IC-NRLF 


M'WL 


V 


WASHINGTON 


GEORGIi    WASHINGTON 

(From  an  unfinished  portrait 
by  Gilbert  Stuart) 


WASHINGTON 


NEW  YORK 

THE  CENTURY  CO. 

1905 


THE   DE  VINNE   PRESS 


THE   CHARACTER   OF 
WASHINGTON  * 

PERHAPS  the  most  difficult  ques 
tion  was  the  appointment  of  a 
commander-in-chief ;  and  on  no 
other  subject  did  the  Congress 
exhibit  more  conspicuous  wisdom. 
When  only  twenty-three,  Wash 
ington  had  been  appointed  com 
mander  of  the  Virginian  forces 
against  the  French ;  and  in  the 
late  war,  though  he  had  met  with 
one  serious  disaster,  and  had  no 
opportunity  of  obtaining  any  very 
brilliant  military  reputation,  he 
had  always  shown  himself  an  emi 
nently  brave  and  skilful  soldier. 

*  From  "  A  History  of  England  in  the  Eigh 
teenth  Century,"  by  W.  E.  H.  Lecky. 


330933 


His  greatmodfesty  an4  taciturnity 
kept  him  in  the  background,  both 
in  the  Provincial  Legislature  and 
in  the  Continental  Congress;  but 
though  his  voice  was  scarcely  ever 
heard  in  debate,  his  superiority 
was  soon  felt  in  the  practical 
work  of  the  committees.  "If 
you  speak  of  solid  information  or 
sound  judgment,"  said  Patrick 
Henry  about  this  time,  "  Colonel 
Washington  is  unquestionably 
the  greatest  man  in  the  Con 
gress."  He  appeared  in  the  As 
sembly  in  uniform,  and  in  mili 
tary  matters  his  voice  had  an 
almost  decisive  weight.  Several 
circumstances  distinguished  him 
from  other  officers,  who  in  mili 
tary  service  might  have  been  his 
rivals.  He  was  of  an  old  Ameri 
can  family.  He  was  a  planter  of 
wealth  and  social  position,  and 
being  a  Virginian,  his  appoint- 
ri 


ment  was  a  great  step  toward 
enlisting  that  important  colony 
cordially  in  the  cause.  The  cap 
ital  question  now  pending  in 
America  was,  how  far  the  other 
colonies  would  support  New  Eng 
land  in  the  struggle.  In  the  pre 
ceding  March,  Patrick  Henry  had 
carried  a  resolution  for  embody 
ing  and  reorganizing  the  Virginia 
militia,  and  had  openly  pro 
claimed  that  an  appeal  to  arms 
was  inevitable  ;  but  as  yet  New 
England  had  borne  almost  the 
whole  burden.  The  army  at  Cam 
bridge  was  a  New  England  army, 
and  General  Ward,  who  com 
manded  it,  had  been  appointed 
by  Massachusetts.  Even  if  Ward 
were  superseded,  there  were  many 
New  England  competitors  for  the 
post  of  commander;  the  army 
naturally  desired  a  chief  of  their 
own  province,  and  there  were 
vii 


divisions  and  hostilities  among 
the  New  England  deputies.  The 
great  personal  merit  of  Washing 
ton  and  the  great  political  impor 
tance  of  securing  Virginia  deter 
mined  the  issue;  and  the  New 
England  deputies  ultimately  took 
a  leading  part  in  the  appointment. 
The  second  place  was  given  to 
General  Ward,  and  the  third  to 
Charles  Lee,  an  English  soldier 
of  fortune,  who  had  lately  pur 
chased  land  in  Virginia  and  em 
braced  the  American  cause  with 
great  passion.  Lee  had  probably 
a  wider  military  experience  than 
any  other  officer  in  America,  but 
he  was  a  man  of  no  settled  prin 
ciples,  and  his  great  talents  were 
marred  by  a  very  irritable  and 
capricious  temper. 

To  the  appointment  of  Wash 
ington,  far  more  than  to  any  other 
single   circumstance,  is  due  the 
viii 


ultimate  success  of  the  American 
Revolution,  though  in  purely  in 
tellectual  powers  Washington 
was  certainly  inferior  to  Franklin, 
and  perhaps  to  two  or  three  other 
of  his  colleagues.  There  is  a 
theory  which  once  received  the 
countenance  of  some  consider 
able  physiologists,  though  it  is 
now,  I  believe,  completely  dis 
carded,  that  one  of  the  great 
lines  of  division  among  men  may 
be  traced  to  the  comparative  de 
velopment  of  the  cerebrum  and 
the  cerebellum.  To  the  first 
organ,  it  was  supposed,  belong 
those  special  gifts  or  powers 
which  make  men  poets,  orators, 
thinkers,  artists,  conquerors,  or 
wits.  To  the  second  belong  the  su 
perintending,  restraining,  discern 
ing,  and  directing  faculties  which 
enable  men  to  employ  their  sev 
eral  talents  with  sanity  and  wis- 
ix 


dom,  which  maintain  the  balance 
and  the  proportion  of  intellect 
and  character,  and  make  sound 
judgments  and  well-regulated 
lives.  The  theory,  however  un 
true  in  its  physiological  aspect, 
corresponds  to  a  real  distinction 
in  human  minds  and  characters, 
and  it  was  especially  in  the  second 
order  of  faculties  that  Washing, 
ton  excellecLJ  His  mind  was  not 
quick  or  remarkably  original. 
His  conversation  had  no  brilliancy 
or  wit.  He  was  entirely  without 
the  gift  of  eloquence,  and  he  had 
very  few  accomplishments.  He 
knew  no  language  but  his  own, 
and  except  for  a  rather  strong 
turn  for  mathematics,  he  had  no 
taste  which  can  be  called  purely 
intellectual.  There  was  nothing 
in  him  of  the  meteor  or  the  cat 
aract,  nothing  that  either  dazzled 
or  overpowered.  A  courteous 


and  hospitable  country  gentle 
man,  a  skilful  farmer,  a  very  keen 
sportsman,  he  probably  differed 
little  in  tastes  and  habits  from  the 
better  members  of  the  class  to 
which  he  belonged  ;  and  it  was 
in  a  great  degree  in  the  adminis 
tration  of  a  large  estate  and  in 
assiduous  attention  to  country 
and  provincial  business  that  he 
acquired  his  rare  skill  in  reading 
and  managing  men. 

As  a  soldier  the  circumstances 
of  his  career  brought  him  into 
the  blaze  not  only  of  domestic, 
but  of  foreign  criticism,  and  it 
was  only  very  gradually  that  his 
superiority  was  fully  recognized. 
Lee,  who  of  all  American  soldiers 
had  seen  most  service  in  the  Eng 
lish  army,  and  Conway,  who  had 
risen  to  great  repute  in  the  French 
army,  were  both  accustomed  to 
speak  of  his  military  talents  with 


extreme  disparagement ;  but  per 
sonal  jealousy  and  animosity  un 
doubtedly  colored  their  judg 
ments.  Kalb,  who  had  been 
trained  in  the  best  military  schools 
of  the  Continent,  at  first  pro 
nounced  him  to  be  very  deficient 
in  the  strength,  decision,  and 
promptitude  of  a  general;  and, 
although  he  soon  learned  to  form 
the  highest  estimate  of  his  mili 
tary  capacity,  he  continued  to 
lament  that  an  excessive  modesty 
led  him  too  frequently  to  act  upon 
the  opinion  of  inferior  men  rather 
than  upon  his  own  most  excellent 
judgment.  In  the  army  and  the 
Congress  more  than  one  rival  was 
opposed  to  him.  He  had  his  full 
share  of  disaster  ;  the  operations 
which  he  conducted,  if  compared 
with  great  European  wars,  were 
on  a  very  small  scale ;  and  he 
had  the  immense  advantage  of 


encountering  in  most  cases  gen 
erals  of  singular  incapacity.  It 
may,  however,  be  truly  said  of 
him  that  his  military  reputation 
steadily  rose  through  many  suc 
cessive  campaigns,  and  before  the 
end  of  the  struggle  he  had  out 
lived  all  rivalry  and  almost  all 
envy.  He  had  a  thorough  know 
ledge  of  the  technical  part  of  his 
profession,  a  good  eye  for  mili 
tary  combinations,  an  extraordi 
nary  gift  of  military  administra 
tion.  Punctual,  methodical,  and 
exact  in  the  highest  degree,  he 
excelled  in  managing  those  mi 
nute  details  which  are  so  essential 
to  the  efficiency  of  an  army,  and 
he  possessed  to  an  eminent  degree 
not  only  the  common  courage  of 
a  soldier,  but  also  that  much 
rarer  form  of  courage  which  can 
endure  long-continued  suspense, 
bear  the  weight  of  great  respon- 
xiii 


sibility,  and  encounter  the  risks 
of  misrepresentation  and  unpop 
ularity.  For  several  years,  and 
usually  in  the  neighborhood  of 
superior  forces,  he  commanded  a 
perpetually  fluctuating  army,  al 
most  wholly  destitute  of  discipline 
and  respect  for  authority,  torn  by 
the  most  violent  personal  and 
provincial  jealousies,  wretchedly 
armed,  wretchedly  clothed,  and 
sometimes  in  imminent  danger 
of  starvation.  Unsupported  for 
the  most  part  by  the  population 
among  whom  he  was  quartered, 
and  incessantly  thwarted  by  the 
jealousy  of  Congress,  he  kept  his 
army  together  by  a  combination 
of  skill,  firmness,  patience,  and 
judgment  which  has  rarely  been 
surpassed,  and  he  led  it  at  last  to 
a  signal  triumph. 

In  civil  as  in  military  life   he 
was  preeminent  among  his  con- 

XIV 


temporaries  for  the  clearness  and 
soundness  of  his  judgment,  for 
his  perfect  moderation  and  self- 
control,  for  the  quiet  dignity  and 
the  indomitable  firmness  with 
which  he  pursued  every  path 
which  he  had  deliberately  chosen. 
Of  all  the  great  men  in  history  he 
was  the  most  invariably  judicious, 
and  there  is  scarcely  a  rash  word 
or  action  or  judgment  recorded 
of  him.  Those  who  knew  him 
well  noticed  that  he  had  keen 
sensibilities  and  strong  passions ; 
but  his  power  of  self-command 
never  failed  him,  and  no  act  of 
his  public  life  can  be  traced  to 
personal  caprice,  ambition,  or  re 
sentment.  In  the  despondency" 
of  long-continued  failure,  in  the 
elation  of  sudden  success,  at  times 
when  his  soldiers  were  deserting 
by  hundreds,  and  when  malignant 
plots  were  formed  against  his 


reputation,  amid  the  constant 
quarrels,  rivalries,  and  jealousies 
of  his  subordinates,  in  the  dark 
hour  of  national  ingratitude,  and 
in  the  midst  of  the  most  universal 
and  intoxicating  flattery,  he  was 
always  the  same  calm,  wise,  just, 
and  single-minded  man,  pursuing 
the  course  which  he  believed  to 
be  right,  without  fear  or  favor  or 
fanaticism;  equally  free  from  the 
passions  that  spring  from  inter 
est,  and  from  the  passions  that 
spring  from  imagination.  He 
never  acted  on  the  impulse  of  an 
absorbing  or  uncalculating  enthu 
siasm,  and  he  valued  very  highly 
fortune,  position,  and  reputation; 
but  at  the  command  of  duty  he 
was  ready  to  risk  and  sacrifice 
them  all.  He  was  in  the  highest 
sense  of  the  words  a  gentleman 
and  a  man  of  honor,  and  he  car 
ried  into  public  life  the  severest 
xvi 


standard  of  private  morals.  It 
was  at  first  the  constant  dread  of 
large  sections  of  the  American 
people  that  if  the  old  government 
were  overthrown  they  would  fall 
into  the  hands  of  military  adven 
turers  and  undergo  the  yoke  of 
military  despotism.  It  was  mainly 
the  transparent  integrity  of  the 
character  of  Washington  that  dis 
pelled  the  fear.  It  was  always 
known  by  his  friends,  and  it  was 
soon  acknowledged  by  the  whole 
nation  and  by  the  English  them 
selves,  that'in  Washington  Amer 
ica  had  found  a  leader  who  could 
be  induced  by  no  earthly  motive 
to  tell  a  falsehood,  or  to  break  an 
engagement,  or  to  commit  any 
dishonorable  act.  Men  of  this 
moral  type  are  happily  not  rare, 
and  we  have  all  met  them  in  our 
experience ;  but  there  is  scarcely 
another  instance  in  history  of  such 
xvii 


a  man  having  reached  and  main 
tained  the  highest  position  in  the 
convulsions  of  civil  war  and  of  a 
great  popular  agitation. 


xvlii 


CONTENTS 


THE  CHARACTER  OF  WASHINGTON.     .      v 

i  FAREWELL  ADDRESS  TO  THE  PEOPLE 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  ....      3 

ii  ADDRESS  TO  THE  OFFICERS,  MARCH, 

1783 52 

in  CIRCULAR  LETTER  ADDRESSED  TO 
THE  GOVERNORS  OF  ALL  THE 
STATES  ON  DISBANDING  THE  ARMY  65 

iv  FAREWELL  ORDERS  TO  THE  ARMIES 

OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  ....    98 

v  INAUGURAL    ADDRESS    TO    BOTH 

HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS  .  .  m 


xix 


WASHINGTON 


WASHINGTON 

i 

FAREWELL    ADDRESS    TO    THE 

PEOPLE    OF   THE    UNITED 

STATES 

Friends  and  Fellow-  Citizens  : 
The  period  for  a  new  election 
of  a  Citizen  to  administer  the 
Executive  Government  of  the 
United  States  being  not  far  dis 
tant,  and  the  time  actually  ar 
rived  when  your  thoughts  must 
be  employed  in  designating  the 
person  who  is  to  be  clothed  with 
that  important  trust,  it  appears 
to  me  proper,  especially  as  it 
may  conduce  to  a  more  distinct 
expression  of  the  public  voice, 
that  I  should  now  apprise  you 
of  the  resolution  I  have  formed 


to  decline  being  considered 
among  the  number  of  those  out 
of  whom  a  choice  is  to  be  made. 

I  beg  you,  at  the  same  time, 
to  do  me  the  justice  to  be  as 
sured  that  this  resolution  has 
not  been  taken  without  a  strict 
regard  to  all  the  considerations 
appertaining  to  the  relation 
which  binds  a  dutiful  citizen  to 
his  country,  and  that  in  with 
drawing  the  tender  of  service 
which  silence  in  my  situation 
might  imply  I  am  influenced  by 
no  diminution  of  zeal  for  your 
future  interest,  no  deficiency  of 
grateful  respect  for  your  past 
kindness,  but  act  under  [and] 
am  supported  by  a  full  convic 
tion  that  the  step  is  compatible 
with  both. 

The  acceptance  of,  and  con 
tinuance  hitherto  in,  the  office 
to  which  your  suffrages  have 
twice  called  me  have  been  a 
uniform  sacrifice  of  inclination 


to  the  opinion  of  duty  and  to  a 
deference  for  what  appeared  to 
be  your  desire.  I  constantly 
hoped  that  it  would  have  been 
much  earlier  in  my  power,  con 
sistently  with  motives  which  I 
was  not  at  liberty  to  disregard, 
to  return  to  that  retirement  from 
which  I  had  been  reluctantly 
drawn.  The  strength  of  my  in 
clination  to  do  this,  previous  to 
the  last  election,  had  even  led 
to  the  preparation  of  an  address 
to  declare  it  to  you;  but  mature 
reflection  on  the  then  perplexed 
and  critical  posture  of  our  af 
fairs  with  foreign  Nations,  and 
the  unanimous  advice  of  per 
sons  entitled  to  my  confidence, 
impelled  me  to  abandon  the 
idea. 

I  rejoice  that  the  state  of 
your  concerns,  external  as  well 
as  internal,  no  longer  renders 
the  pursuit  of  inclination  in 
compatible  with  the  sentiment 


of  duty  or  propriety ;  and  am 
persuaded,  whatever  partiality 
may  be  retained  for  my  services, 
that,  in  the  present  circum 
stances  of  our  country,  you  will 
not  disapprove  my  determina 
tion  to  retire. 

The  impressions  with  which 
I  first  undertook  the  arduous 
trust  were  explained  on  the 
proper  occasion.  In  the  dis 
charge  of  this  trust,  I  will  only 
say  that  I  have,  with  good  in 
tentions,  contributed  towards 
the  organization  and  adminis 
tration  of  the  government  the 
best  exertions  of  which  a  very 
fallible  judgment  was  capable. 
Not  unconscious,  in  the  outset, 
of  the  inferiority  of  my  qualifi 
cations,  experience  in  my  own 
eyes,  perhaps  still  more  in  the 
eyes  of  others,  has  strengthened 
the  motives  to  diffidence  of  my 
self  ;  and  every  day  the  increas 
ing  weight  of  years  admonishes 


me  more  and  more  that  the 
shade  of  retirement  is  as  neces 
sary  to  me  as  it  will  be  wel 
come.  Satisfied  that,  if  any 
circumstances  have  given  pecu 
liar  value  to  my  services,  they 
were  temporary,  I  have  the  con 
solation  to  believe  that,  while 
choice  and  prudence  invite  me 
to  quit  the  political  scene, 
patriotism  does  not  forbid  it. 

In  looking  forward  to  the 
moment  which  is  intended  to 
terminate  the  career  of  my 
public  life,  my  feelings  do  not 
permit  me  to  suspend  the  deep 
acknowledgment  of  that  debt  of 
gratitude  which  I  owe  to  my 
beloved  country, — for  the  many 
honors  it  has  conferred  upon 
me  ;  still  more  for  the  steadfast 
confidence  with  which  it  has 
supported  me ;  and  for  the  op 
portunities  I  have  thence  en 
joyed  of  manifesting  my  invio 
lable  attachment,  by  services 


faithful  and  persevering,  though 
in  usefulness  unequal  to  my  zeal. 
If  benefits  have  resulted  to  our 
country  from  these  services,  let 
it  always  be  remembered  to 
your  praise,  and  as  an  instruc 
tive  example  in  our  annals,  that 
under  circumstances  in  which 
the  Passions  agitated  in  every 
direction  were  liable  to  mislead, 
amidst  appearances  sometimes 
dubious,  vicissitudes  of  fortune 
often  discouraging,  in  situations 
in  which  not  unfrequently  want 
of  success  has  countenanced  the 
spirit  of  criticism,  the  constancy 
of  your  support  was  the  essen 
tial  prop  of  the  efforts  and  a 
guarantee  of  the  plans  by  which 
they  were  effected.  Profoundly 
penetrated  with  this  idea,  I  shall 
carry  it  with  me  to  the  grave 
as  a  strong  incitement  to  un 
ceasing  vows  that  Heaven  may 
continue  to  you  the  choicest 
tokens  of  its  beneficence  ;  that 


your  union  and  brotherly  affec 
tion  may  be  perpetual ;  that  the 
free  constitution,  which  is  the 
work  of  your  hands,  may  be 
sacredly  maintained ;  that  its 
administration  in  every  depart 
ment  may  be  stamped  with  wis 
dom  and  virtue ;  that,  in  fine, 
the  happiness  of  the  people  of 
these  States,  under  the  auspices 
of  liberty,  may  be  made  com 
plete  by  so  careful  a  preserva 
tion  and  so  prudent  a  use  of 
this  blessing  as  will  acquire  to 
them  the  glory  of  recommend 
ing  it  to  the  applause,  the  af 
fection  and  adoption  of  every 
nation  which  is  yet  a  stranger 
to  it. 

Here,  perhaps,  I  ought  to 
stop.  But  a  solicitude  for  your 
welfare  which  cannot  end  but 
with  my  life,  and  the  apprehen 
sion  of  danger,  natural  to  that 
solicitude,  urge  me  on  an  occa 
sion  like  the  present  to  offer  to 


your  solemn  contemplation  and 
to  recommend  to  your  frequent 
review  some  sentiments  which 
are  the  result  of  much  reflec 
tion,  of  no  inconsiderable  ob 
servation,  and  which  appear  to 
me  all-important  to  the  perma 
nency  of  your  felicity  as  a 
People.  These  will  be  offered 
to  you  with  the  more  freedom, 
as  you  can  only  see  in  them  the 
disinterested  warnings  of  a  part 
ing  friend  who  can  possibly  have 
no  personal  motive  to  bias  his 
counsels.  Nor  can  I  forget,  as 
an  encouragement  to  it,  your  in 
dulgent  reception  of  my  senti 
ments  on  a  former  and  not  dis 
similar  occasion. 

Interwoven  as  is  the  love  of 
liberty  with  every  ligament  of 
your  hearts,  no  recommenda 
tion  of  mine  is  necessary  to 
fortify  or  confirm  the  attach 
ment. 

The  Unity  of  Government 
10 


which  constitutes  you  one 
people  is  also  now  dear  to  you. 
It  is  justly  so  ;  — for  it  is  a  main 
Pillar  in  the  Edifice  of  your 
real  independence  ;  the  support 
of  your  tranquillity  at  home ; 
your  peace  abroad ;  of  your 
safety ;  of  your  prosperity  in 
every  shape ;  of  that  very  Lib 
erty  which  you  so  highly  prize. 
But  as  it  is  easy  to  foresee  that, 
from  different  causes  and  from 
different  quarters,  much  pains 
will  be  taken,  many  artifices 
employed,  to  weaken  in  your 
minds  the  conviction  of  this 
truth; — as  this  is  the  point  in 
your  political  fortress  against 
which  the  batteries  of  internal 
and  external  enemies  will  be 
most  constantly  and  actively 
(though  often  covertly  and  in 
sidiously)  directed,  it  is  of  in 
finite  moment  that  you  should 
properly  estimate  the  immense 
value  of  your  national  Union 
11 


to  your  collective  and  individ 
ual  happiness; — that  you 
should  cherish  a  cordial,  ha 
bitual,  and  immovable  at 
tachment  to  it ;  accustoming 
yourselves  to  think  and  speak 
of  it  as  of  the  Palladium  of 
your  political  safety  and  pros 
perity  ;  watching  for  its  preser 
vation  with  jealous  anxiety ; 
discountenancing  whatever  may 
suggest  even  a  suspicion  that  it 
can  in  any  event  be  abandoned, 
and  indignantly  frowning  upon 
the  first  dawning  of  every  at 
tempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of 
our  Country  from  the  rest,  or  to 
enfeeble  the  sacred  ties  which 
now  link  together  the  various 
parts. 

For  this  you  have  every  in 
ducement  of  sympathy  and  in 
terest.  Citizens  by  birth  or 
choice  of  a  common  country, 
that  country  has  a  right  to  con 
centrate  your  affections.  The 


name  of  AMERICAN,  which 
belongs  to  you,  in  your  national 
capacity,  must  always  exalt  the 
just  pride  of  Patriotism  more 
than  any  appellation  derived 
from  local  discriminations. 
With  slight  shades  of  difference, 
you  have  the  same  Religion, 
Manners,  Habits,  and  political 
Principles.  You  have  in  a  com 
mon  cause  fought  and  tri 
umphed  together.  The  Inde 
pendence  and  Liberty  you  pos 
sess  are  the  work  of  joint  coun 
cils  and  joint  efforts— of 
common  dangers,  sufferings, 
and  successes. 

But  these  considerations, 
however  powerfully  they  ad 
dress  themselves  to  your  sensi 
bility,  are  greatly  outweighed  by 
those  which  apply  more  imme 
diately  to  your  Interest.  Here 
every  portion  of  our  country 
finds  the  most  commanding 
motives  for  carefully  guarding 

13 


and  preserving   the   Union  of 
the  whole. 

The  North,  in  an  unrestrained 
intercourse  with  the  South,  pro 
tected  by  the  equal  Laws  of  a 
common  government,  finds  in 
the  productions  of  the  latter 
great  additional  resources  of 
maritime  and  commercial  en 
terprise  and  precious  mate 
rials  of  manufacturing  industry. 
The  South,  in  the  same  inter 
course,  benefiting  by  the  agency 
of  the  North,  sees  its  agricul 
ture  grow  and  its  commerce 
expand.  Turning  partly  into  its 
own  channels  the  seamen  of  the 
North,  it  finds  its  particular 
navigation  envigorated ;  and, 
while  it  contributes,  in  different 
ways,  to  nourish  and  increase 
the  general  mass  of  the  national 
navigation,  it  looks  forward  to 
the  protection  of  a  maritime 
strength  to  which  itself  is  un 
equally  adapted.  The  East,  in 

14 


a  like  intercourse  with  the  West, 
already  finds,  and  in  the  pro 
gressive  improvement  of  interior 
communications  by  land  and 
water  will  more  and  more  find, 
a  valuable  vent  for  the  com 
modities  which  it  brings  from 
abroad  or  manufactures  at 
home.  The  West  derives  from 
the  East  supplies  requisite  to 
its  growth  and  comfort ;  and, 
what  is  perhaps  of  still  greater 
consequence,  it  must  of  neces 
sity  owe  the  secure  enjoyment 
of  indispensable  outlets  for  its 
own  productions  to  the  weight, 
influence,  and  the  future  mari 
time  strength  of  the  Atlantic 
side  of  the  Union,  directed  by 
an  indissoluble  community  of 
interest  as  one  Nation.  Any 
other  tenure  by  which  the  West 
can  hold  this  essential  advan 
tage,  whether  derived  from  its 
own  separate  strength  or  from 
an  apostate  and  unnatural  con- 
is 


nection  with  any  foreign  Power, 
must  be  intrinsically  precarious. 
While  then  every  part  of  our 
Country  thus  feels  an  immediate 
and  particular  interest  in  Union, 
all  the  parts  combined  in  the 
united  mass  of  means  and  efforts 
cannot  fail  to  find  greater 
strength,  greater  resource,  pro- 
portionably  greater  security 
from  external  danger,  a  less 
frequent  interruption  of  their 
Peace  by  foreign  Nations ; 
and,  what  is  of  inestimable 
value,  they  must  derive  from 
Union  an  exemption  from  those 
broils  and  wars  between  them 
selves  which  so  frequently  afflict 
neighboring  countries  not  tied 
together  by  the  same  govern 
ment  ;  which  their  own  rival- 
ships  alone  would  be  sufficient 
to  produce  ;  but  which  opposite 
foreign  alliances,  attachments, 
and  intrigues  would  stimulate 
and  embitter.  Hence  likewise 

16 


they  will  avoid  the  necessity  of 
those  overgrown  Military  estab 
lishments  which,  under  any  form 
of  government,  are  inauspicious 
to  liberty,  and  which  are  to  be 
regarded  as  particularly  hostile 
to  Republican  Liberty  :  In  this 
sense  it  is  that  your  Union 
ought  to  be  considered  as  a 
main  prop  of  your  liberty,  and 
that  the  love  of  the  one  ought 
to  endear  to  you  the  preserva 
tion  of  the  other. 

These  considerations  speak 
a  persuasive  language  to  every 
reflecting  and  virtuous  mind, 
and  exhibit  the  continuance  of 
the  UNION  as  a  primary  ob 
ject  of  Patriotic  desire.  Is  there 
a  doubt  whether  a  common 
government  can  embrace  so 
large  a  sphere?  Let  experi 
ence  solve  it.  To  listen  to  mere 
speculation  in  such  a  case  were 
criminal.  We  are  authorized  to 
hope  that  a  proper  organization 

2  17 


of  the  whole,  with  the  auxiliary 
agency  of  governments  for  the 
respective  subdivisions,  will 
afford  a  happy  issue  to  the  ex 
periment.  'T  is  well  worth  a 
fair  and  full  experiment.  With 
such  powerful  and  obvious  mo 
tives  to  Union,  affecting  all 
parts  of  our  country,  while  ex 
perience  shall  not  have  demon 
strated  its  impracticability,  there 
will  always  be  reason  to  distrust 
the  patriotism  of  those  who  in 
any  quarter  may  endeavor  to 
weaken  its  bands. 

In  contemplating  the  causes 
which  may  disturb  our  Union, 
it  occurs  as  matter  of  serious 
concern  that  any  ground 
should  have  been  furnished 
for  characterizing  parties  by 
Geographical  discriminations — 
Northern  and  Southern,  At 
lantic  and  Western ;  whence 
designing  men  may  endeavor 
to  excite  a  belief  that  there  is  a 

18 


real  difference  of  local  interests 
and  views. 

One  of  the  expedients  of 
Party  to  acquire  influence, 
within  particular  districts,  is  to 
misrepresent  the  opinions  and 
aims  of  other  districts.  You 
cannot  shield  yourselves  too 
much  against  the  jealousies 
and  heartburnings  which  spring 
from  these  misrepresentations ; 
they  tend  to  render  alien  to 
each  other  those  who  ought  to 
be  bound  together  by  fraternal 
affection.  The  inhabitants  of 
our  Western  country  have  lately 
had  a  useful  lesson  on  this 
head.  They  have  seen,  in  the 
negotiation  by  the  Executive 
and  in  the  unanimous  ratifica 
tion  by  the  Senate,  of  the  treaty 
with  Spain,  and  in  the  uni 
versal  satisfaction  at  that  event 
throughout  the  United  States, 
a  decisive  proof  how  un 
founded  were  the  suspicions 

19 


propagated  among  them  of  a 
policy  in  the  General  Govern 
ment  and  in  the  Atlantic  States 
unfriendly  to  their  interests  in 
regard  to  the  MISSISSIPPI. 
They  have  been  witnesses  to 
the  formation  of  two  Treaties, 
that  with  Great  Britain  and 
that  with  Spain,  which  secure 
to  them  everything  they  could 
desire,  in  respect  to  our  Foreign 
Relations,  towards  confirming 
their  prosperity.  Will  it  not  be 
their  wisdom  to  rely  for  the 
preservation  of  these  advantages 
on  the  UNION  by  which  they 
were  procured?  Will  they  not 
henceforth  be  deaf  to  those  ad 
visers,  if  such  there  are,  who 
would  sever  them  from  their 
Brethren  and  connect  them  with 
Aliens? 

To  the  efficacy  and  perma 
nency  of  your  Union,  a  Gov 
ernment  for  the  whole  is  indis 
pensable.  No  alliances,  however 
20 


strict,  between  the  parts  can  be 
an  adequate  substitute.  They 
must  inevitably  experience  the 
infractions  and  interruptions 
which  all  alliances  in  all  times 
have  experienced.  Sensible  of 
this  momentous  truth,  you  have 
improved  upon  your  first  essay 
by  the  adoption  of  a  Constitu 
tion  of  Government  better  cal 
culated  than  your  former  for  an 
intimate  Union  and  for  the  effi 
cacious  management  of  your 
common  concerns.  This  gov 
ernment,  the  offspring  of  our 
own  choice  uninfluenced  and 
unawed,  adopted  upon  full  in 
vestigation  and  mature  de 
liberation,  completely  free  in  its 
principles,  in  the  distribution  of 
its  powers,  uniting  security  with 
energy,  and  containing  within 
itself  a  provision  for  its  own 
amendment,  has  a  just  claim  to 
your  confidence  and  your  sup 
port.  Respect  for  its  authority, 
21 


compliance  with  its  Laws,  ac 
quiescence  in  its  measures,  are 
duties  enjoined  by  the  funda 
mental  maxims  of  true  Liberty. 
The  basis  of  our  political  sys 
tems  is  the  right  of  the  people 
to  make  and  to  alter  their  Con 
stitutions  of  Government.  But 
the  Constitution  which  at  any 
time  exists,  'till  changed  by  an 
explicit  and  authentic  act  of 
the  whole  People,  is  sacredly 
obligatory  upon  all.  The  very 
idea  of  the  power  and  the  right 
of  the  People  to  establish  Gov 
ernment  presupposes  the  duty 
of  every  individual  to  obey  the 
established  Government. 

All  obstructions  to  the  execu 
tion  of  the  Laws,  all  combina 
tions  and  associations,  under 
whatever  plausible  character, 
with  the  real  design  to  direct, 
control,  counteract,  or  awe  the 
regular  deliberation  and  action 
of  the  constituted  authorities, 
22 


are  destructive  of  this  funda 
mental  principle,  and  of  fatal 
tendency.  They  serve  to  organ 
ize  faction,  to  give  it  an  arti 
ficial  and  extraordinary  force, 
to  put  in  the  place  of  the  dele 
gated  will  of  the  Nation  the 
will  of  a  party, — often  a  small 
but  artful  and  enterprising 
minority  of  the  community, — 
and,  according  to  the  alternate 
triumphs  of  different  parties,  to 
make  the  public  administration 
the  mirror  of  the  ill-concerted 
and  incongruous  projects  of  fac 
tion  rather  than  the  organ  of 
consistent  and  wholesome  plans 
digested  by  common  councils 
and  modified  by  mutual  inter 
ests.  However  combinations  or 
associations  of  the  above  de 
scription  may  now  and  then 
answer  popular  ends,  they  are 
likely,  in  the  course  of  time  and 
things,  to  become  potent  en 
gines  by  which  cunning,  ambi- 

23 


tious,  and  unprincipled  men  will 
be  enabled  to  subvert  the  Power 
of  the  People  and  to  usurp  for 
themselves  the  reins  of  Govern 
ment,  destroying  afterwards  the 
very  engines  which  have  lifted 
them  to  unjust  dominion. 

Towards  the  preservation  of 
your  Government  and  the  per 
manency  of  your  present  happy 
state  it  is  requisite  not  only  that 
you  steadily  discountenance  ir 
regular  oppositions  to  its  ac 
knowledged  authority,  but  also 
that  you  resist  with  care  the 
spirit  of  innovation  upon  its 
principles,  however  specious 
the  pretexts.  One  method  of 
assault  may  be  to  effect  in  the 
forms  of  the  Constitution  alter 
ations  which  will  impair  the 
energy  of  the  system,  and  thus 
to  undermine  what  cannot  be 
directly  overthrown.  In  all  the 
changes  to  which  you  may  be 
invited,  remember  that  time 

24 


and  habit  are  at  least  as  neces 
sary  to  fix  the  true  character 
of  Governments  as  of  other 
human  institutions— that  ex 
perience  is  the  surest  standard 
by  which  to  test  the  real  ten 
dency  of  the  existing  Constitu 
tion  of  a  Country— that  facility 
in  changes  upon  the  credit  of 
mere  hypothesis  and  opinion 
exposes  to  perpetual  change, 
from  the  endless  variety  of 
hypothesis  and  opinion ;  and 
remember,  especially,  that  for 
the  efficient  management  of 
your  common  interests,  in  a 
country  so  extensive  as  ours,  a 
Government  of  as  much  vigor 
as  is  consistent  with  the  perfect 
security  of  Liberty  is  indispen 
sable.  Liberty  itself  will  find  in 
such  a  Government,  with  powers 
properly  distributed  and  ad 
justed,  its  surest  Guardian.  It 
is,  indeed,  little  else  than  a  name 
where  the  Government  is  too 
25 


feeble  to  withstand  the  enter 
prises  of  faction,  to  confine 
each  member  of  the  society 
within  the  limits  prescribed  by 
the  laws,  and  to  maintain  all  in 
the  secure  and  tranquil  enjoy 
ment  of  the  rights  of  person  and 
property. 

I  have  already  intimated  to 
you  the  danger  of  Parties  in  the 
State,  with  particular  reference 
to  the  founding  of  them  on 
Geographical  discriminations. 
Let  me  now  take  a  more  com 
prehensive  view  and  warn  you 
in  the  most  solemn  manner 
against  the  baneful  effects  of 
the  Spirit  of  Party,  generally. 

This  Spirit,  unfortunately,  is 
inseparable  from  our  nature, 
having  its  root  in  the  strongest 
passions  of  the  human  mind. 
It  exists  under  different  shapes 
in  all  Governments,  more  or  less 
stifled,  controlled,  or  repressed  ; 
but  in  those  of  the  popular 

26 


form  it  is  seen  in  its  greatest 
rankness,  and  is  truly  their 
worst  enemy. 

The  alternate  domination  of 
one  faction  over  another,  sharp 
ened  by  the  spirit  of  revenge 
natural  to  party  dissension, 
which  in  different  ages  and 
countries  has  perpetrated  the 
most  horrid  enormities,  is  itself 
a  frightful  despotism.  But  this 
leads  at  length  to  a  more  formal 
and  permanent  despotism.  The 
disorders  and  miseries  which 
result  gradually  incline  the 
minds  of  men  to  seek  security 
and  repose  in  the  absolute 
power  of  an  Individual ;  and 
sooner  or  later  the  chief  of  some 
prevailing  faction,  more  able  or 
more  fortunate  than  his  com 
petitors,  turns  this  disposition 
to  the  purposes  of  his  own  ele 
vation  on  the  ruins  of  Public 
Liberty. 

Without  looking  forward  to 


an  extremity  of  this  kind  (which 
nevertheless  ought  not  to  be 
entirely  out  of  sight),  the  com 
mon  and  continual  mischiefs 
of  the  spirit  of  Party  are  suffi 
cient  to  make  it  the  interest  and 
duty  of  a  wise  People  to  dis 
courage  and  restrain  it. 

It  serves  always  to  distract 
the  Public  Councils  and  en 
feeble  the  Public  administra 
tion.  It  agitates  the  commu 
nity  with  ill-founded  jealousies 
and  false  alarms,  kindles  the 
animosity  of  one  part  against 
another,  foments  occasionally 
riot  and  insurrection.  It  opens 
the  doors  to  foreign  influence 
and  corruption,  which  find  a 
facilitated  access  to  the  Gov 
ernment  itself  through  the 
channels  of  party  passions. 
Thus  the  policy  and  the  will  of 
one  country  are  subjected  to 
the  policy  and  will  of  another. 

There  is  an  opinion  that  par- 


ties  in  free  countries  are  useful 
checks  upon  the  Administration 
of  the  Government  and  serve 
to  keep  alive  the  Spirit  of  Lib 
erty.  This  within  certain  limits 
is  probably  true ;  and  in  Gov 
ernments  of  a  Monarchical  cast, 
Patriotism  may  look  with  in 
dulgence,  if  not  with  favor, 
upon  the  spirit  of  party.  But  in 
those  of  the  popular  character, 
in  Governments  purely  elective, 
it  is  a  spirit  not  to  be  encour 
aged.  From  their  natural  ten 
dency,  it  is  certain  there  will 
always  be  enough  of  that  spirit 
for  every  salutary  purpose ; 
and  there  being  constant  danger 
of  excess,  the  effort  ought  to  be, 
by  force  of  public  opinion,  to 
mitigate  and  assuage  it.  A  fire 
not  to  be  quenched,  it  demands 
a  uniform  vigilance  to  prevent 
its  bursting  into  a  flame,  lest, 
instead  of  wanning,  it  should 
consume. 


It  is  important,  likewise,  that 
the  habits  of  thinking  in  a  free 
country  should  inspire  caution 
in  those  intrusted  with  its  ad 
ministration,  to  confine  them 
selves  within  their  respective 
constitutional  spheres,  avoiding 
in  the  exercise  of  the  powers  of 
one  department  to  encroach 
upon  another.  The  spirit  of 
encroachment  tends  to  consoli 
date  the  powers  of  all  the  de 
partments  in  one,  and  thus  to 
create,  whatever  the  form  of 
government,  a  real  despotism. 
A  just  estimate  of  that  love  of 
power,  and  proneness  to  abuse 
it,  which  predominates  in  the 
human  heart  is  sufficient  to 
satisfy  us  of  the  truth  of  this 
position.  The  necessity  of  re 
ciprocal  checks  in  the  exercise 
of  political  power,  by  dividing 
and  distributing  it  into  differ 
ent  depositories,  and  constitut 
ing  each  the  Guardian  of  the 
ao 


Public  Weal  against  invasions 
by  the  others,  has  been  evinced 
by  experiments  ancient  and 
modern,  some  of  them  in  our 
country  and  under  our  own 
eyes.  To  preserve  them  must 
be  as  necessary  as  to  institute 
them.  If,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
People,  the  distribution  ormodi- 
fication  of  the  Constitutional 
powers  be  in  any  particular 
wrong,  let  it  be  corrected  by 
an  amendment  in  the  way 
which  the  Constitution  desig 
nates.  But  let  there  be  no 
change  by  usurpation ;  for 
though  this,  in  one  instance, 
may  be  the  instrument  of  good, 
it  is  the  customary  weapon  by 
which  free  governments  are  de 
stroyed.  The  precedent  must 
always  greatly  overbalance  in 
permanent  evil  any  partial  or 
transient  benefit  which  the  use 
can  at  any  time  yield. 

Of  all   the  dispositions  and 

31 


habits  which  lead  to  political 
prosperity,  Religion  and  moral 
ity  are  indispensable  supports. 
In  vain  would  that  man  claim 
the  tribute  of  Patriotism  who 
should  labor  to  subvert  these 
great  Pillars  of  human  happi 
ness,  these  firmest  props  of  the 
duties  of  Men  and  Citizens. 
The  mere  Politician,  equally 
with  the  pious  man,  ought  to 
respect  and  to  cherish  them.  A 
volume  could  not  trace  all  their 
connections  with  private  and 
public  felicity.  Let  it  simply 
be  asked  where  is  the  security 
for  property,  for  reputation,  for 
life,  if  the  sense  of  religious 
obligation  desert  the  oaths  which 
are  the  instruments  of  investi 
gation  in  Courts  of  Justice? 
And  let  us  with  caution  indulge 
the  supposition  that  morality 
can  be  maintained  without  re 
ligion.  Whatever  may  be  con 
ceded  to  the  influence  of  refined 

32 


education  on  minds  of  peculiar 
structure,  reason  and  experi 
ence  both  forbid  us  to  expect 
that  national  morality  can  pre 
vail  in  exclusion  of  religious 
principle. 

'T  is  substantially  true  that 
virtue  or  morality  is  a  necessary 
spring  of  popular  government. 
The  rule  indeed  extends  with 
more  or  less  force  to  every 
species  of  Free  Government. 
Who  that  is  a  sincere  friend  to 
it  can  look  with  indifference 
upon  attempts  to  shake  the 
foundation  of  the  fabric? 

Promote  then,  as  an  object  of 
primary  importance,  institutions 
for  the  general  diffusion  of 
knowledge.  In  proportion  as 
the  structure  of  a  government 
gives  force  to  public  opinion,  it 
is  essential  that  public  opinion 
should  be  enlightened. 

As  a  very  important  source 
of  strength  and  security,  cherish 


public  credit.  One  method  of 
preserving  it  is  to  use  it  as 
sparingly  as  possible  :  avoiding 
occasions  of  expense  by  culti 
vating  peace,  but  remembering 
also  that  timely  disbursements 
to  prepare  for  danger  frequently 
prevent  much  greater  disburse 
ments  to  repel  it ;  avoiding 
likewise  the  accumulation  of 
debt,  not  only  by  shunning  oc 
casions  of  expense,  but  by  vigor 
ous  exertions  in  time  of  Peace 
to  discharge  the  debts  which 
unavoidable  wars  may  have 
occasioned,  not  ungenerously 
throwing  upon  posterity  the 
burthen  which  we  ourselves 
ought  to  bear.  The  execution 
of  these  maxims  belongs  to 
your  Representatives,  but  it  is 
necessary  that  public  opinion 
should  cooperate.  To  facilitate 
to  them  the  performance  of 
their  duty,  it  is  essential  that 
you  should  practically  bear  in 

34 


mind  that  towards  the  payment 
of  debts  there  must  be  Revenue  ; 
that  to  have  Revenue  there 
must  be  taxes;  that  no  taxes 
can  be  devised  which  are  not 
more  or  less  inconvenient  and 
unpleasant;  that  the  intrinsic 
embarrassment  inseparable 
from  the  selection  of  the  proper 
objects  (which  is  always  a 
choice  of  difficulties)  ought  to 
be  a  decisive  motive  for  a  can 
did  construction  of  the  conduct 
of  the  Government  in  making 
it,  and  for  a  spirit  of  acquies 
cence  in  the  measures  for  ob 
taining  Revenue  which  the 
public  exigencies  may  at  any 
time  dictate. 

Observe  good  faith  and  jus 
tice  towards  all  Nations.  Cul 
tivate  Peace  and  Harmony  with 
all.  Religion  and  Morality  en 
join  this  conduct ;  and  can  it 
be  that  good  policy  does  not 
equally  enjoin  it?  It  will  be 

35 


worthy  of  a  free,  enlightened, 
and,  at  no  distant  period,  a 
great  nation,  to  give  to  man 
kind  the  magnanimous  and  too 
novel  example  of  a  People  al 
ways  guided  by  an  exalted  jus 
tice  and  benevolence.  Who  can 
doubt  that  in  the  course  of  time 
and  things  the  fruits  of  such  a 
plan  would  richly  repay  any 
temporary  advantages  which 
might  be  lost  by  a  steady  ad 
herence  to  it?  Can  it  be  that 
Providence  has  not  connected 
the  permanent  felicity  of  a  Na 
tion  with  its  virtue?  The  ex 
periment,  at  least,  is  recom 
mended  by  every  sentiment 
which  ennobles  human  nature. 
Alas!  is  it  rendered  impossible 
by  its  vices? 

In  the  execution  of  such  a 
plan  nothing  is  more  essential 
than  that  permanent,  inveterate 
antipathies  against  particular 
nations  and  passionate  attach- 


ments  for  others  should  be  ex 
cluded,  and  that  in  place  of 
them  just  and  amicable  feelings 
towards  all  should  be  cultivated. 
The  Nation  which  indulges 
towards  another  an  habitual 
hatred  or  an  habitual  fondness 
is  in  some  degree  a  slave.  It  is 
a  slave  to  its  animosity  or  to  its 
affection,  either  of  which  is  suffi 
cient  to  lead  it  astray  from  its 
duty  and  its  interest.  Antipathy 
in  one  nation  against  another 
disposes  each  more  readily  to 
offer  insult  and  injury,  to  lay 
hold  of  slight  causes  of  um 
brage,  and  to  be  haughty  and 
intractable  when  accidental  or 
trifling  occasions  of  dispute  oc 
cur.  Hence  frequent  collisions, 
obstinate,  envenomed,  and 
bloody  contests.  The  Nation 
prompted  by  ill  will  and  resent 
ment  sometimes  impels  to  War 
the  Government,  contrary  to  the 
best  calculations  of  policy  The 

37 


Government  sometimes  partici 
pates  in  the  national  propensity 
and  adopts  through  passion 
what  reason  would  reject;  at 
other  times  it  makes  the  ani 
mosity  of  the  Nation  subser 
vient  to  projects  of  hostility 
instigated  by  pride,  ambition, 
and  other  sinister  and  perni 
cious  motives.  The  peace  often, 
sometimes  perhaps  the  Liberty, 
of  Nations  has  been  the  victim. 
So  likewise  a  passionate  at 
tachment  of  one  Nation  for  an 
other  produces  a  variety  of  evils. 
Sympathy  for  the  favorite  Na 
tion,  facilitating  the  illusion  of 
an  imaginary  common  interest 
in  cases  where  no  real  common 
interest  exists,  and  infusing  into 
one  the  enmities  of  the  other, 
betrays  the  former  into  a  parti 
cipation  in  the  quarrels  and 
wars  of  the  latter,  without  ade 
quate  inducement  or  justifica 
tion  ;  it  leads  also  to  conces- 

38 


sions  to  the  favorite  Nation  of 
privileges  denied  to  others, 
which  is  apt  doubly  to  injure 
the  Nation  making  the  conces 
sions  by  unnecessarily  parting 
with  what  ought  to  have  been 
retained,  and  by  exciting  jeal 
ousy,  ill  will,  and  a  disposition 
to  retaliate,  in  the  parties  from 
whom  equal  privileges  are  with 
held  ;  and  it  gives  to  ambitious, 
corrupted,  or  deluded  citizens 
(who  devote  themselves  to  the 
favorite  Nation)  facility  to 
betray  or  sacrifice  the  interests 
of  their  own  country,  without 
odium,  sometimes  even  with 
popularity ;  gilding  with  the 
appearances  of  a  virtuous  sense 
of  obligation,  a  commendable 
deference  for  public  opinion,  or 
a  laudable  zeal  for  public  good, 
the  base  or  foolish  compliances 
of  ambition,  corruption,  or  in 
fatuation. 

As  avenues  to  foreign  influ- 

39 


ence  in  innumerable  ways,  such 
attachments  are  particularly 
alarming  to  the  truly  enlight 
ened  and  independent  Patriot. 
How  many  opportunities  do 
they  afford  to  tamper  with  do 
mestic  factions,  to  practise  the 
arts  of  seduction,  to  mislead 
public  opinion,  to  influence  or 
awe  the  public  councils!  Such 
an  attachment  of  a  small  or 
weak  towards  a  great  and  pow 
erful  nation  dooms  the  former 
to  be  the  satellite  of  the  latter. 
Against  the  insidious  wiles  of 
foreign  influence,  I  conjure  you 
to  believe  me,  fellow-citizens, 
the  jealousy  of  a  free  people 
ought  to  be  constantly  awake, 
since  history  and  experience 
prove  that  foreign  influence  is 
one  of  the  most  baneful  foes  of 
republican  Government.  But 
that  jealousy,  to  be  useful,  must 
be  impartial ;  else  it  becomes 
the  instrument  of  the  very  in- 

40 


fluence  to  be  avoided,  instead 
of  a  defense  against  it.  Ex 
cessive  partiality  for  one  foreign 
nation  and  excessive  dislike  of 
another  cause  those  whom  they 
actuate  to  see  danger  only  on 
one  side,  and  serve  to  veil  and 
even  second  the  arts  of  influ 
ence  on  the  other.  Real  Pa 
triots,  who  may  resist  the  in 
trigues  of  the  favorite,  are  liable 
to  become  suspected  and  odi 
ous  ;  while  its  tools  and  dupes 
usurp  the  applause  and  confi 
dence  of  the  people,  to  sur 
render  their  interests. 

The  great  rule  of  conduct 
for  us,  in  regard  to  foreign 
Nations,  is,  in  extending  our 
commercial  relations,  to  have 
with  them  as  little  Political  con 
nection  as  possible.  So  far  as 
we  have  already  formed  en 
gagements,  let  them  be  fulfilled 
with  perfect  good  faith.  Here 
let  us  stop. 

41 


Europe  has  a  set  of  primary 
interests  which  to  us  have 
none  or  a  very  remote  relation. 
Hence  she  must  be  engaged  in 
frequent  controversies  the 
causes  of  which  are  essentially 
foreign  to  our  concerns.  Hence, 
therefore,  it  must  be  unwise  in 
us  to  implicate  ourselves,  by 
artificial  ties,  in  the  ordinary 
vicissitudes  of  her  politics  or 
the  ordinary  combinations  and 
collisions  of  her  friendships  or 
enmities. 

Our  detached  and  distant 
situation  invites  and  enables  us 
to  pursue  a  different  course.  If 
we  remajn  one  People,  under 
an  efficient  government,  the 
period  is  not  far  off  when  we 
may  defy  material  injury  from 
external  annoyance ;  when  we 
may  take  such  an  attitude  as 
will  cause  the  neutrality  we 
may  at  any  time  resolve  upon 
to  be  scrupulously  respected ; 

42 


when  belligerent  nations,  under 
the  impossibility  of  making  ac 
quisitions  upon  us,  will  not 
lightly  hazard  the  giving  us 
provocation ;  when  we  may 
choose  peace  or  war,  as  our  in 
terest  guided  by  our  justice  shall 
counsel. 

Why  forgo  the  advantages 
of  so  peculiar  a  situation?  Why 
quit  our  own  to  stand  upon 
foreign  ground?  Why,  by  in 
terweaving  our  destiny  with 
that  of  any  part  of  Europe,  en 
tangle  our  peace  and  prosperity 
in  the  toils  of  European  ambi 
tion,  rivalship,  interest,  humor, 
or  caprice? 

'T  is  our  true  policy  to  steer 
clear  of  permanent  alliances 
with  any  portion  of  the  foreign 
world ;  so  far,  I  mean,  as  we 
are  now  at  liberty  to  do  it— for 
let  me  not  be  understood  as 
capable  of  patronizing  infidelity 
to  existing  engagements  (I  hold 

43 


the  maxim  no  less  applicable  to 
public  than  to  private  affairs, 
that  honesty  is  always  the  best 
policy).  I  repeat  it,  therefore, 
let  those  engagements  be  ob 
served  in  their  genuine  sense. 
But  in  my  opinion  it  is  un 
necessary  and  would  be  unwise 
to  extend  them. 

Taking  care  always  to  keep 
ourselves,  by  suitable  establish 
ments,  on  a  respectably  defen 
sive  posture,  we  may  safely  trust 
to  temporary  alliances  for  ex 
traordinary  emergencies. 

Harmony,  liberal  intercourse 
with  all  nations,  are  recom 
mended  by  policy,  humanity, 
and  interest.  But  even  our 
commercial  policy  should  hold 
an  equal  and  impartial  hand: 
neither  seeking  nor  granting 
exclusive  favors  or  prefer 
ences  ;  consulting  the  natural 
course  of  things ;  diffusing  and 
diversifying  by  gentle  means 

44 


the  streams  of  commerce,  but 
forcing  nothing ;  establishing 
with  Powers  so  disposed— in 
order  to  give  trade  a  stable 
course,  to  define  the  rights  of 
our  Merchants,  and  to  enable 
the  Government  to  support  them 
— conventional  rules  of  inter 
course,  the  best  that  present 
circumstances  and  mutual  opin 
ion  will  permit ;  but  temporary, 
and  liable  to  be  from  time  to 
time  abandoned  or  varied,  as 
experience  and  circumstances 
shall  dictate;  constantly  keep 
ing  in  view  that  't  is  folly  in 
one  nation  to  look  for  disin 
terested  favors  from  another — 
that  it  must  pay  with  a  portion 
of  its  independence  for  what 
ever  it  may  accept  under  that 
character— that  by  such  ac 
ceptance  it  may  place  itself  in 
the  condition  of  having  given 
equivalents  for  nominal  favors 
and  yet  of  being  reproached 

45 


with  ingratitude  for  not  giving 
more.  There  can  be  no  greater 
error  than  to  expect,  or  cal 
culate  upon,  real  favors  from 
Nation  to  Nation.  'T  is  an 
illusion  which  experience  must 
cure,  which  a  just  pride  ought 
to  discard. 

In  offering  to  you,  my  Coun 
trymen,  these  counsels  of  an  old 
and  affectionate  friend,  I  dare 
not  hope  they  will  make  the 
strong  and  lasting  impression  I 
could  wish— that  they  will  con 
trol  the  usual  current  of  the 
passions,  or  prevent  our  Nation 
from  running  the  course  which 
has  hitherto  marked  the  destiny 
of  Nations.  But  if  I  may  even 
flatter  myself  that  they  may  be 
productive  of  some  partial  bene 
fit,  some  occasional  good, — that 
they  may  now  and  then  recur 
to  moderate  the  fury  of  party 
spirit,  to  warn  against  the  mis 
chiefs  of  foreign  intrigue,  to 

40 


guard  against  the  impostures 
of  pretended  patriotism,  — this 
hope  will  be  a  full  recompense 
for  the  solicitude  for  your  wel 
fare  by  which  they  have  been 
dictated. 

How  far  in  the  discharge  of 
my  official  duties  I  have  been 
guided  by  the  principles  which 
have  been  delineated,  the  public 
Records  and  other  evidences  of 
my  conduct  must  witness  to 
you  and  to  the  world.  To  my 
self  the  assurance  of  my  own 
conscience  is  that  I  have  at 
least  believed  myself  to  be 
guided  by  them. 

In  relation  to  the  still  sub 
sisting  War  in  Europe,  my  Proc 
lamation  of  the  22d  of  April, 
1793,  is  the  index  to  my  plan. 
Sanctioned  by  your  approving 
voice  and  by  that  of  your 
Representatives  in  both  Houses 
of  Congress,  the  spirit  of  that 
measure  has  continually  gov- 

47 


erned  me,  uninfluenced  by  any 
attempts  to  deter  or  divert  me 
from  it. 

After  deliberate  examination 
with  the  aid  of  the  best  lights  I 
could  obtain,  I  was  well  satis 
fied  that  our  country,  under  all 
the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
had  a  right  to  take,  and  was 
bound  in  duty  and  interest  to 
take,  a  neutral  position.  Having 
taken  it,  I  determined,  as  far  as 
should  depend  upon  me,  to 
maintain  it  with  moderation, 
perseverance,  and  firmness. 

The  considerations  which 
respect  the  right  to  hold  this 
conduct,  it  is  not  necessary  on 
this  occasion  to  detail.  I  will 
only  observe  that,  according  to 
my  understanding  of  the  matter, 
that  right,  so  far  from  being 
denied  by  any  of  the  Belligerent 
Powers,  has  been  virtually  ad 
mitted  by  all. 

The  duty  of  holding  a  neutral 

48 


conduct  may  be  inferred,  with 
out  anything  more,  from  the 
obligation  which  justice  and 
humanity  impose  on  every 
Nation,  in  cases  in  which  it  is 
free  to  act,  to  maintain  inviolate 
the  relation  of  Peace  and  Amity 
towards  other  Nations. 

The  inducements  of  interest 
for  observing  that  conduct  will 
best  be  referred  to  your  own 
reflections  and  experience.  With 
me,  a  predominant  motive  has 
been  to  endeavor  to  gain  time 
to  our  country  to  settle  and  ma 
ture  its  yet  recent  institutions, 
and  to  progress  without  inter 
ruption  to  that  degree  of 
strength  and  consistency  which 
is  necessary  to  give  it,  humanly 
speaking,  the  command  of  its 
own  fortune. 

Though,  in  reviewing  the  in 
cidents  of  my  Administration,  I 
am  unconscious  of  intentional 
error,  I  am  nevertheless  too 


sensible  of  my  defects  not  to 
think  it  probable  that  I  may 
have  committed  many  errors. 
Whatever  they  may  be,  I  fer 
vently  beseech  the  Almighty  to 
avert  or  mitigate  the  evils  to 
which  they  may  tend.  I  shall 
also  carry  with  me  the  hope 
that  my  country  will  never 
cease  to  view  them  with  indul 
gence,  and  that,  after  forty-five 
years  of  my  life  dedicated  to  its 
service,  with  an  upright  zeal, 
the  faults  of  incompetent  abili 
ties  will  be  consigned  to  obliv 
ion,  as  myself  must  soon  be  to 
the  mansions  of  rest. 

Relying  on  its  kindness  in 
this  as  in  other  things,  and 
actuated  by  that  fervent  love 
towards  it  which  is  so  natural 
to  a  man  who  views  in  it  the 
native  soil  of  himself  and  his 
progenitors  for  several  genera 
tions,  I  anticipate  with  pleasing 
expectation  that  retreat  in  which 


I  promise  myself  to  realize, 
without  alloy,  the  sweet  enjoy 
ment  of  partaking,  in  the  midst 
of  my  fellow-citizens,  the  benign 
influence  of  good  Laws  under 
a  free  Government — the  ever 
favorite  object  of  my  heart, 
and  the  happy  reward,  as  I 
trust,  of  our  mutual  cares,  la 
bors,  and  dangers. 
UNITED  STATES, 
September  I9th,  1796. 


II 

ADDRESS    TO    THE    OFFICERS, 
MARCH,    1783 

Gentlemen  :  By  an  anonymous 
summons  an  attempt  has  been 
made  to  convene  you  together. 
How  inconsistent  with  the  rules 
of  propriety,  how  unmilitary, 
and  how  subversive  of  all  good 
order  and  discipline,  let  the 
good  sense  of  the  army  decide. 
In  the  moment  of  this  sum 
mons,  another  anonyjnous  pro 
duction  was  sent  into  circula 
tion  ;  addressed  more  to  the 
feelings  and  passions  than  to 
the  reason  and  judgment  of  the 
army.  The  author  of  the  piece 
is  entitled  to  such  credit  for  the 

f>2 


goodness  of  his  pen,  and  I  could 
wish  he  had  as  much  credit  for 
the  rectitude  of  his  heart ;  for, 
as  men  see  through  different 
optics,  and  are  induced  by  the 
reflecting  faculties  of  the  mind 
to  use  different  means  to  obtain 
the  same  end,  the  author  of  the 
address  should  have  had  more 
charity  than  to  mark  for  sus 
picion  the  man  who  should 
recommend  moderation  and 
longer  forbearance,  or,  in  other 
words,  who  should  not  think  as 
he  thinks,  and  act  as  he  advises. 
But  he  had  another  plan  in 
view,  in  which  candor  and  liber 
ality  of  sentiment,  regard  to 
justice,  and  love  of  country, 
have  no  part ;  and  he  was  right 
to  insinuate  the  darkest  suspi 
cion,  to  effect  the  blackest 
designs. 

That  the  address  is  drawn 
with  great  art,  and  is  designed 
to  answer  the  most  insidious 

53 


purposes,  that  it  is  calculated  to 
impress  the  mind  with  an  idea 
of  premeditated  injustice  in  the 
sovereign  power  of  the  United 
States,  and  rouse  all  those  re 
sentments  which  most  unavoid 
ably  flow  from  such  a  belief ; 
that  the  secret  mover  of  this 
scheme,  whoever  he  may  be, 
intended  to  take  advantage  of 
the  passions,  while  they  were 
warmed  by  the  recollection  of 
past  distresses,  without  giving 
time  for  cool,  deliberate  think 
ing,  and  that  composure  of 
mind  which  is  so  necessary  to 
give  dignity  and  stability  to 
measures,  is  rendered  too  ob 
vious,  by  the  mode  of  conduct 
ing  the  business,  to  need  other 
proof  than  a  reference  to  the 
proceeding. 

Thus  much,  Gentlemen,  I 
have  thought  it  incumbent  on 
me  to  observe  to  you,  to  show 
upon  what  principles  I  opposed 

54 


the  irregular  and  hasty  meeting 
which  was  proposed  to  be  held 
on  Tuesday  last,  and  not  be 
cause  I  wanted  a  disposition  to 
give  you  every  opportunity, 
consistent  with  your  own  honor 
and  the  dignity  of  the  army,  to 
make  known  your  grievances^ 
If  ray  conduct  heretofore  has" 
not  evinced  to  you  that  I  have 
been  a  faithful  friend  to  the 
army,  my  declaration  of  it  at 
this  time  would  be  equally  un 
availing  and  improper.  But  as 
I  was  among  the  first  who  em 
barked  in  the  cause  of  our  com 
mon  country;  as  I  have  never 
left  your  side  one  moment,  but 
when  called  from  you  on  public 
duty ;  as  I  have  been  the  con 
stant  companion  and  witness  of 
your  distresses,  and  not  among 
the  last  to  feel  and  acknowledge 
your  merits;  as  I  have  ever 
considered  my  own  military 
reputation  as  inseparably  con- 

55 


nected  with  that  of  the  army ; 
as  my  heart  has  ever  expanded 
with  joy  when  I  have  heard  its 
praises,  and  my  indignation  has 
arisen  when  the  mouth  of  de 
traction  has  been  opened 
against  it ;  it  can  scarcely  be 
supposed,  at  this  late  stage  of 
the  war,  that  I  am  indifferent 
to  its  interests.  But  how  are 
they  to  be  promoted  ?  The  way 
is  plain,  says  the  anonymous 
addresser :  if  war  continues,  re 
move  into  the  unsettled  coun 
try  ;  there  establish  yourselves, 
and  leave  an  ungrateful  coun 
try  to  defend  itself.  But  whom 
are  they  to  defend  ?  Our  wives, 
our  children,  our  farms  and 
other  property,  which  we  leave 
behind  us?  Or,  in  the  state  of 
hostile  separation,  are  we  to 
take  the  two  first  (the  latter 
cannot  be  removed)  to  perish 
in  a  wilderness  with  hunger, 
cold,  and  nakedness?  If  peace 

50 


takes  place,  neither  sheathe  your 
swords,  says  he,  until  you  have 
obtained  full  and  ample  justice. 
This  dreadful  alternative,  of 
either  deserting  our  country  in 
the  extremest  hour  of  distress, 
or  turning  our  arms  against  it, 
which  is  the  apparent  object, 
unless  Congress  can  be  com 
pelled  into  instant  compliance, 
has  something  so  shocking  in 
it  that  humility  revolts  at  the 
idea.  My  God!  What  can  this 
writer  have  in  view  by  recom 
mending  such  measures?  Can 
he  be  a  friend  to  the  army? 
Can  he  be  a  friend  to  this 
country?  Rather  is  he  not  an 
insidious  foe?  Some  emissary, 
perhaps  from  New  York,  plot 
ting  the  ruin  of  both  by  sowing 
the  seeds  of  discord  and  sepa 
ration  between  the  civil  and 
military  powers  of  the  conti 
nent?  And  what  a  compliment 
does  he  pay  to  our  understand- 

57 


ings  when  he  recommends 
measures,  in  either  alternative, 
impracticable  in  their  nature? 

But  here,  Gentlemen,  I  will 
drop  the  curtain,  because  it 
would  be  as  imprudent  in  me 
to  assign  my  reasons  for  this 
opinion  as  it  would  be  insulting 
to  your  conception  to  suppose 
you  stood  in  need  of  them.  A 
moment's  reflection  will  con 
vince  every  dispassionate  mind 
of  the  physical  impossibility  of 
carrying  either  proposal  into 
execution. 

There  might,  Gentlemen,  be 
an  impropriety  in  my  taking 
notice,  in  this  address  to  you, 
of  an  anonymous  production ; 
but  the  manner  in  which  that 
performance  has  been  intro 
duced  to  the  army,  the  effect  it 
was  intended  to  have,  together 
with  some  other  circumstances, 
will  amply  justify  my  observa 
tions  on  the  tendency  of  that 

58 


writing.  With  respect  to  the 
advice  given  by  the  author  to 
suspect  the  man  who  shall  rec 
ommend  moderate  measures 
and  longer  forbearance,  I  spurn 
it,  as  every  man  who  regards 
that  liberty  and  reveres  that  jus 
tice  for  which  we  contend  un 
doubtedly  must.  For,  if  men 
are  to  be  precluded  from  offer 
ing  their  sentiments  on  a  matter 
which  may  involve  the  most 
serious  and  alarming  conse 
quences  that  can  invite  the  con 
sideration  of  mankind,  reason 
is  of  no  use  to  us ;  the  freedom 
of  speech  may  be  taken  away, 
and,  dumb  and  silent,  we  may 
be  led  away  like  sheep  to  the 
slaughter. 

I  cannot,  in  justice  to  my 
owr  belief  and  what  I  have 
great  reason  to  conceive  is  the 
intention  of  Congress,  conclude 
this  address  without  giving  it 
as  my  decided  opinion  that  that 


honorable  body  entertain  ex 
alted  sentiments  of  the  services 
of  the  army  and,  from  a  full 
conviction  of  its  merits  and 
sufferings,  will  do  it  complete 
justice.  That  their  endeavors 
to  discover  and  establish  funds 
for  this  purpose  have  been  un 
wearied,  and  will  not  cease  till 
they  have  succeeded,  I  have  no 
doubt ;  but,  like  all  other  large 
bodies,  where  there  is  a  variety 
of  different  interests  to  reconcile, 
their  deliberations  are  slow. 
Why  then  should  we  distrust 
them,  and,  in  consequence  of 
that  distrust,  adopt  measures 
which  may  cast  a  shade  over 
that  glory  which  has  been  so 
justly  acquired,  and  tarnish  the 
reputation  of  an  army  which  is 
celebrated  through  all  Europe 
for  its  fortitude  and  patriotism? 
And  for  what  is  this  done?  To 
bring  the  object  we  seek  nearer? 
No!  Most  certainly,  in  my 


opinion,    it    will    cast    it    at    a 
greater  distance. 

For  myself  (and  I  take  no 
merit  in  giving  the  assurance, 
being  induced  to  it  from  prin 
ciple^  of  gratitude,  veracity,  and 
justice),  a  grateful  sense  of  the 
confidence  you  have  ever 
placed  in  me,  a  recollection  of 
the  cheerful  assistance  and 
prompt  obedience  I  have  ex 
perienced  from  you  under 
every  vicissitude  of  fortune, 
and  the  sincere  affection  I  feel 
for  an  army  I  have  so  long  had 
the  honor  to  command,  oblige 
me  to  declare,  in  this  public  and 
solemn  manner,  that,  in  the  at 
tainment  of  complete  justice  for 
all  your  toils  and  dangers,  and 
in  the  gratification  of  every 
wish,  so  far  as  may  be  done 
consistently  with  the  great  duty 
I  owe  to  my  country  and  those 
powers  we  are  bound  to  re 
spect,  you  may  freely  com- 
ci 


mand  my  services  to  the  utmost 
extent  of  my  abilities. 

(While  I  give  you  these  as 
surances  and-: pledge  myseliTin 
the  most  unequivocal  manner 
to  exert  whatever  ability  I  am 
possessed  of  in  your  favor,  let 
me  entreat  you,  Gentlemen,  on 
your  part,  not  to  take  any 
measures  which,  in  the  calm 
light  of  reason,  will  lessen  the 
dignity  and  sully  the  glory  you 
have  hitherto  maintained.  |  Let 
me  request  you  to  rely  on  the 
plighted  faith  of  your  country, 
and  place  a  full  confidence  in 
the  purity  of  the  intentions  of 
Congress,  that,  previous  to  your 
dissolution  as  an  army,  they 
will  cause  all  your  accounts  to 
be  fairly  liquidated,  as  directed 
in  their  resolutions,  which  were 
published  to  you  two  days  ago, 
and  that  they  will  adopt  the 
most  effectual  measures  in  their 
power  to  render  ample  justice 


to  you  for  your  faithful  and 
meritorious  services.  And  let 
me  conjure  you  in  the  name  of 
our  common  country,  as  you 
value  your  own  sacred  honor, 
as  you  respect  the  rights  of  hu 
manity,  and  a^you  regard  the 
military  and  national  character 
of  America*  to  express  your  ut 
most  hopfor  and  detestation  of 
the  man  who  wishes,  under  any 
specious  pretenses,  to  overturn 
the  liberties  of  our  country,  and 
who  wickedly  attempts  to  open 
the  flood-gates  of  civil  discord, 
and  deluge  our  rising  empire  in 
blood. 

By  thus  determining  and  thus 
acting,  you  will  pursue  the  plain 
and  direct  road  to  the  attain 
ment  of  your  wishes ;  you  will 
defeat  the  insidious  designs  of 
our  enemies,  who  are  compelled 
to  resort  from  open  force  to 
secret  artifice ;  you  will  give 
one  more  distinguished  proof 


of  unexampled  patriotism  and 
patient  virtue,  rising  superior  to 
the  pressure  of  the  most  com 
plicated  sufferings ;  and  you 
will,  by  the  dignity  of  your 
conduct,  afford  occasion  for 
posterity  to  say,  when  speaking 
of  the  glorious  example  you 
have  exhibited  to  mankind, 
"  Had  this  day  been  wanting, 
the  world  had  never  seen  the 
last  stage  of  perfection  to  which 
human  nature  is  capable  of  at 
taining." 


r,4 


Ill 

CIRCULAR   LETTER  ADDRESSED 
TO  THE  GOVERNORS  OF  ALL 
THE  STATES  ON  DISBAND 
ING  THE  ARMY 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  NEWBURG, 

8  June,  1783. 

Sir:  The  great  object  for 
which  I  had  the  honor  to  hold 
an  appointment  in  the  service 
of  my  country  being  accom 
plished,  I  am  now  preparing  to 
resign  it  into  the  hands  of  Con 
gress  and  to  return  to  that  do 
mestic  retirement  which,  it  is 
well  known,  I  left  with  the 
greatest  reluctance ;  a  retire 
ment  for  which  I  have  never 
ceased  to  sigh,  through  a  long 

5  65 


and  painful  absence,  and  in 
which  (remote  from  the  noise 
and  trouble  of  the  world)  I 
meditate  to  pass  the  remainder 
of  life  in  a  state  of  undisturbed 
repose.  But  before  I  carry  this 
resolution  into  effect,  I  think  it 
a  duty  incumbent  on  me  to 
make  this  my  last  official  com 
munication  ;  to  congratulate 
you  on  the  glorious  events 
which  Heaven  has  been  pleased 
to  produce  in  our  favor;  to 
offer  my  sentiments  respecting 
some  important  subjects  which 
appear  to  me  to  be  intimately 
connected  with  the  tranquillity 
of  the  United  States;  to  take 
my  leave  of  your  Excellency  as 
a  public  character ;  and  to  give 
my  final  blessing  to  that  coun 
try  in  whose  service  I  have 
spent  the  prime  of  my  life,  for 
whose  sake  I  have  consumed  so 
many  anxious  days  and  watch 
ful  nights,  and  whose  happi- 


ness,  being  extremely  dear  to 
me,  will  always  constitute  no 
inconsiderable  part  of  my  own. 
Impressed  with  the  liveliest 
sensibility  on  this  pleasing 
occasion,  I  will  claim  the 
indulgence  of  dilating  the 
more  copiously  on  the  subjects 
of  our  mutual  felicitation. 
When  we  consider  the  magni 
tude  of  the  prize  we  contended 
for,  the  doubtful  nature  of  the 
contest,  and  the  favorable  man 
ner  in  which  it  has  terminated, 
we  shall  find  the  greatest  pos 
sible  reason  for  gratitude  and 
rejoicing.  This  is  a  theme  that 
will  afford  infinite  delight  to 
every  benevolent  and  liberal 
mind,  whether  the  event  in 
contemplation  be  considered  as 
the  source  of  present  enjoy 
ment,  or  the  parent  of  future 
happiness;  and  we  shall  have 
equal  occasion  to  felicitate  our 
selves  on  the  lot  which  Provi- 


dence  has  assigned  us,  whether 
we  view  it  in  a  natural,  a  polit 
ical,  or  moral  point  of  light. 

The  citizens  of  America, 
placed  in  the  most  enviable 
condition,  as  the  sole  lords  and 
proprietors  of  a  vast  tract  of 
continent  comprehending  all 
the  various  soils  and  climates 
of  the  world  and  abounding 
with  all  the  necessaries  and  con 
veniences  of  life,  are  now,  by 
the  late  satisfactory  pacifica 
tion,  acknowledged  to  be  pos 
sessed  of  absolute  freedom  and 
independency.  They  are,  from 
this  period,  to  be  considered  as 
the  actors  on  a  most  conspicu 
ous  theater,  which  seems  to  be 
peculiarly  designated  by  Provi 
dence  for  the  display  of  human 
greatness  and  felicity.  Here 
they  are  not  only  surrounded 
with  every  thing  which  can  con 
tribute  to  the  completion  of 
private  and  domestic  enjoy- 
on 


ment ;  but  Heaven  has  crowned 
all  its  other  blessings  by  giving 
a  fairer  opportunity  for  political 
happiness  than  any  other  nation 
has  ever  been  favored  with. 
Nothing  can  illustrate  these  ob 
servations  more  forcibly  than 
a  recollection  of  the  happy 
conjuncture  of  times  and  cir 
cumstances  under  which  our  re 
public  assumed  its  rank  among 
the  nations.  The  foundation  of 
our  empire  was  not  laid  in  the 
gloomy  age  of  ignorance  and 
superstition,  but  at  an  epocha 
when  the  rights  of  mankind 
were  better  understood  and 
more  clearly  defined  than  at 
any  former  period.  The  re 
searches  of  the  human  mind 
after  social  happiness  have  been 
carried  to  a  great  extent ;  the 
treasures  of  knowledge,  ac 
quired  by  the  labors  of  philos 
ophers,  sages,  and  legislators, 
through  a  long  succession  of 

69 


years,  are  laid  open  for  our  use, 
and  their  collected  wisdom  may 
be  happily  applied  in  the  es 
tablishment  of  our  forms  of 
government.  The  free  cultiva 
tion  of  letters,  the  unbounded 
extension  of  commerce,  the 
progressive  refinement  of  man 
ners,  the  growing  liberality  of 
sentiment,  and,  above  all,  the 
pure  and  benign  light  of  Rev 
elation,  have  had  a  meliorating 
influence  on  mankind  and  in 
creased  the  blessings  of  society. 
At  this  auspicious  period  the 
United  States  came  into  exis 
tence  as  a  nation ;  and  if  their 
citizens  should  not  be  com 
pletely  free  and  happy,  the 
fault  will  be  entirely  their  own. 
Such  is  our  situation,  and 
such  are  our  prospects;  but 
notwithstanding  the  cup  of 
blessing  is  thus  reached  out  to 
us,  notwithstanding  happiness 
is  ours  if  we  have  a  disposition 

70 


to  seize  the  occasion  and  make 
it  our  own,  yet  it  appears  to 
me  there  is  an  option  still  left 
to  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica,  that  it  is  in  their  choice, 
and  depends  upon  their  con 
duct,  whether  they  will  be  re 
spectable  and  prosperous  or 
contemptible  and  miserable,  as 
a  nation.  This  is  the  time  of 
their  political  probation;  this  is 
the^  moment  when  the  eyes  of 
the  whole  world  are  turned 
upon  them ;  this  is  the  moment 
to  establish  or  ruin  their  na 
tional  character  forever ;  this  is 
the  favorable  moment  to  give 
such  a  tone  to  our  federal  gov 
ernment  as  will  enable  it  to  an 
swer  the  ends  of  its  institution, 
or  this  may  be  the  ill-fated  mo 
ment  for  relaxing  the  powers  of 
the  Union,  annihilating  the  ce 
ment  of  the  confederation,  and 
exposing  us  to  become  the 
sport  of  European  politics, 

71 


which  may  play  one  State 
against  another,  to  prevent 
their  growing  importance  and 
to  serve  their  own  interested 
purposes.  For  according  to 
the  system  of  policy  the  States 
shall  adopt  at  this  moment  they 
will  stand  or  fall ;  and  by  their 
confirmation  or  lapse  it  is  yet 
to  .be  decided  whether  the  rev 
olution  must  ultimately  be  con 
sidered  as  a  blessing  or  a  curse ; 
a  blessing  or  a  curse  not  to\he 
present  age  alone,  for  with  our 
fate  will  the  destiny  of  unborn 
millions  be  involved. 

With  this  conviction  of  the 
importance  of  the  present  crisis, 
silence  in  me  would  be  a  crime. 
I  will  therefore  speak  to  your 
Excellency  the  language  of 
freedom  and  of  sincerity  with 
out  disguise.  I  am  aware,  how 
ever,  that  those  who  differ  from 
me  in  political  sentiment  may 
perhaps  remark  I  am  stepping 

72 


out  of  the  proper  line  of  my 
duty,  and  may  possibly  ascribe 
to  arrogance  or  ostentation 
what  I  know  is  alone  the  result 
of  the  purest  intention.  But 
the  rectitude  of  my  own  heart, 
which  disdains  such  unworthy 
motives ;  the  part  I  have  hi 
therto  acted  in  life ;  the  deter 
mination  I  have  formed  of  not 
taking  any  share  in  public  busi 
ness  hereafter;  the  ardent  de 
sire  I  feel,  and  shall  continue 
to  manifest,  of  quietly  enjoying 
in  private  life,  after  all  the  toils 
of  war,  the  benefits  of  a  wise 
and  liberal  government,  will,  I 
flatter  myself,  sooner  or  later 
convince  my  countrymen  that 
I  could  have  no  sinister  views 
in  delivering,  with  so  little  re 
serve,  the  opinions  contained 
in  this  address. 

There  are  four  things  which, 
I  humbly  conceive,  are  essen 
tial  to  the  well-being,  I  may 

73 


even  venture  to  say,  to  the  ex 
istence  of  the  United  States  as 
an  independent  power: 

First,  an  indissoluble  union 
of  the  States  under  one  federal 
head. 

Secondly,  a  sacred  regard 
to  public  justice. 

Thirdly,  the  adoption  of  a 
proper  peace  establishment ; 
and, 

Fourthly,  the  prevalence  of 
that  pacific  and  friendly  dispo 
sition  among  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  which  will  in 
duce  them  to  forget  their  local 
prejudices  and  policies ;  to 
make  those  mutual  concessions 
which  are  requisite  to  the  gen 
eral  prosperity;  and,  in  some 
instances,  to  sacrifice  their  in 
dividual  advantages  to  the 
interest  of  the  community. 

These  are  the  pillars  on 
which  the  glorious  fabric  of 
our  independency  and  national 

74 


character  must  be  supported. 
Liberty  is  the  basis,  and  who 
ever  would  dare  to  sap  the 
foundation,  or  overturn  the 
structure,  under  whatever  spe 
cious  pretext  he  may  attempt 
it,  will  merit  the  bitterest  exe 
cration  and  the  severest  punish 
ment  which  can  be  inflicted  by 
his  injured  country. 

On  the  three  first  articles  I 
will  make  a  few  observations, 
leaving  the  last  to  the  good 
sense  and  serious  considera 
tion  of  those  immediately 
concerned. 

Under  the  first  head,  al 
though  it  may  not  be  necessary 
or  proper  for  me,  in  this  place, 
to  enter  into  a  particular  dis 
quisition  on  the  principles  of 
the  Union  and  to  take  up  the 
great  question  which  has  been 
frequently  agitated,  whether  it 
be  expedient  and  requisite  for 
the  States  to  delegate  a  larger 


proportion  of  power  to  Con 
gress,  or  not ;  yet  it  will  be  a 
part  of  my  duty,  and  that  of 
every  true  patriot,  to  assert 
without  reserve,  and  to  insist 
upon,  the  following  positions. 
That  unless  the  States  will  suf 
fer  Congress  to  exercise  those 
prerogatives  they  are  un 
doubtedly  invested  with  by  the 
constitution,  every  thing  must 
very  rapidly  tend  to  anarchy 
and  confusion.  That  it  is  indis 
pensable  to  the  happiness  of 
the  individual  States  that  there 
should  be  lodged  somewhere  a 
supreme  power  to  regulate  and 
govern  the  general  concerns  of 
the  confederated  republic,  with 
out  which  the  Union  cannot  be 
of  long  duration.  That  there 
must  be  a  faithful  and  pointed 
compliance  on  the  part  of  every 
State  with  the  late  proposals 
and  demands  of  Congress,  or 
the  most  fatal  consequences 

76 


will  ensue.  That  whatever  mea 
sures  have  a  tendency  to  dis 
solve  the  Union,  or  contribute 
to  violate  or  lessen  the  sover 
eign  authority,  ought  to  be 
considered  as  hostile  to  the  lib 
erty  and  independency  of 
America,  and  the  authors  of 
them  treated  accordingly.  And 
lastly,  that  unless  we  can  be 
enabled,  by  the  concurrence  of 
the  States,  to  participate  of  the 
fruits  of  the  revolution,  and 
enjoy  the  essential  benefits  of 
civil  society,  under  a  form  of 
government  so  free  and  uncor- 
rupted,  so  happily  guarded 
against  the  danger  of  oppres 
sion,  as  has  been  devised  and 
adopted  by  the  articles  of  con 
federation,  it  will  be  a  subject 
of  regret  that  so  much  blood 
and  treasure  have  been  lavished 
for  no  purpose,  that  so  many 
sufferings  haye  been  en 
countered  without  a  compen- 


sation,  and  that  so  many 
sacrifices  have  been  made  in 
vain. 

Many  other  considerations 
might  here  be  adduced  to 
prove  that  without  an  entire 
conformity  to  the  spirit  of  the 
Union  we  cannot  exist  as  an 
independent  power.  It  will  be 
sufficient  for  my  purpose  to 
mention  but  one  or  two  which 
seem  to  me  of  the  greatest  im 
portance.  It  is  only  in  our 
united  character,  as  an  empire, 
that  our  independence  is  ac 
knowledged,  that  our  power 
can  be  regarded,  or  our  credit 
supported,  among  foreign  na 
tions.  The  treaties  of  the  Eu 
ropean  powers  with  the  United 
States  of  America  will  have  no 
validity  on  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  We  shall  be  left  nearly 
in  a  state  of  nature ;  or  we 
may  find,  by  our  own  unhappy 
experience,  that  there  is  a  nat- 

78 


ural  and  necessary  progression 
from  the  extreme  of  anarchy  to 
the  extreme  of  tyranny,  and 
that  arbitrary  power  is  most 
easily  established  on  the  ruins 
of  liberty  abused  to  licentious 
ness. 

As  to  the  second  article, 
which  respects  the  performance 
of  public  justice,  Congress 
have,  in  their  late  address  to 
the  United  States,  almost  ex 
hausted  the  subject ;  they  have 
explained  their  ideas  so  fully, 
and  have  enforced  the  obliga 
tions  the  States  are  under  to 
render  complete  justice  to  all 
the  public  creditors  with  so 
much  dignity  and  energy,  that, 
in  my  opinion,  no  real  friend 
to  the  honor  of  independency 
of  America  can  hesitate  a  single 
moment  respecting  the  pro 
priety  of  complying  with  the 
just  and  honorable  measures 
proposed.  If  their  arguments 

79 


do  not  produce  conviction,  I 
know  of  nothing  that  will  have 
greater  influence :  especially 
when  we  recollect  that  the 
system  referred  to,  being  the 
result  of  the  collected  wisdom 
of  the  continent,  must  be  es 
teemed,  if  not  perfect,  certainly 
the  least  objectionable  of  any 
that  could  be  devised ;  and 
that  if  it  shall  not  be  carried 
into  immediate  execution,  a 
national  bankruptcy,  with  all 
its  deplorable  consequences, 
will  take  place  before  any  dif 
ferent  plan  can  possibly  be 
proposed  and  adopted.  So 
pressing  are  the  present  cir 
cumstances,  and  such  is  the  alter 
native  now  offered  to  the  States. 
The  ability  of  the  country  to 
discharge  the  debts  which  have 
been  incurred  in  its  defense  is 
not  to  be  doubted;  an  inclina 
tion,  I  flatter  myself,  will  not 
be  wanting.  The  path  of  our 


duty  is  plain  before  us ;  hon 
esty  will  be  found,  on  every 
experiment,  to  be  the  best  and 
only  true  policy.  Let  us  then, 
as  a  nation,  be  just ;  let  us  ful 
fil  the  public  contracts  which 
Congress  had  undoubtedly  a 
right  to  make  for  the  purpose 
of  carrying  on  the  war,  with  the 
same  good  faith  we  suppose 
ourselves  bound  to  perform  our 
private  engagements.  In  the 
meantime,  let  an  attention  to 
the  cheerful  performance  of 
their  proper  business,  as  indi 
viduals  and  as  members  of  so 
ciety,  be  earnestly  inculcated 
on  the  citizens  of  America ; 
then  will  they  strengthen  the 
hands  of  government  and  be 
happy  under  its  protection ; 
every  one  will  reap  the  fruit 
of  his  labors,  every  one  will 
enjoy  his  own  acquisitions 
without  molestation  and  with 
out  danger. 

6  81 


In  this  state  of  absolute  free 
dom  and  perfect  security,  who 
will  grudge  to  yield  a  very  little 
of  his  property  to  support  the 
common  interest  of  society  and 
insure  the  protection  of  govern 
ment?  Who  does  not  remember 
the  frequent  declarations,  at  the 
commencement  of  the  war,  that 
we  should  be  completely  satis 
fied  if,  at  the  expense  of  one 
half,  we  could  defend  the  re 
mainder  of  our  possessions? 
Where  is  the  man  to  be  found 
who  wishes  to  remain  indebted 
for  the  defense  of  his  own  per 
son  and  property  to  the  exer 
tions,  the  bravery,  and  the 
blood  of  others,  without  mak 
ing  one  generous  effort  to  repay 
the  debt  of  honor  and  grati 
tude?  In  what  part  of  the 
continent  shall  we  find  any 
man,  or  body  of  men,  who 
would  not  blush  to  stand  up 
and  propose  measures  pur- 


posely  calculated  to  rob  the 
soldier  of  his  stipend  and  the 
public  creditor  of  his  due? 
And  were  it  possible  that  such 
a  flagrant  instance  of  injustice 
could  ever  happen,  would  it 
not  excite  the  general  indigna 
tion  and  tend  to  bring  down 
upon  the  authors  of  such  mea 
sures  the  aggravated  vengeance 
of  Heaven?  If,  after  all,  a 
spirit  of  disunion,  or  a  temper 
of  obstinacy  and  perverseness, 
should  manifest  itself  in  any  of 
the  States ;  if  such  an  ungra 
cious  disposition  should  at 
tempt  to  frustrate  all  the  happy 
effects  that  might  be  expected 
to  flow  from  the  Union ;  if 
there  should  be  a  refusal  to 
comply  with  the  requisition  for 
funds  to  discharge  the  annual 
interest  of  the  public  debts ; 
and  if  that  refusal  should  revive 
again  all  those  jealousies  and 
produce  all  those  evils  which 


are  now  happily  removed,  Con 
gress,  who  have,  in  all  their 
transactions,  shown  a  great  de 
gree  of  magnanimity  and  jus 
tice,  will  stand  justified  in  the 
sight  of  God  and  man  ;  and  the 
State  alone  which  puts  itself  in 
opposition  to  the  aggregate 
wisdom  of  the  continent,  and 
follows  such  mistaken  and  per 
nicious  counsels,  will  be  respon 
sible  for  all  the  consequences. 

For  my  own  part,  conscious 
of  having  acted  while  a  servant 
of  the  public  in  the  manner  I 
conceived  best  suited  to  pro 
mote  the  real  interests  of  my 
country ;  having,  in  conse 
quence  of  my  fixed  belief,  in 
some  measure  pledged  myself 
to  the  army  that  their  country 
would  finally  do  them  complete 
and  ample  justice ;  and  not 
wishing  to  conceal  any  instance 
of  my  official  conduct  from  the 
eyes  of  the  world,  I  have 

84 


thought  proper  to  transmit  to 
your  Excellency  the  inclosed 
collection  of  papers  relative  to 
the  half-pay  and  commutation 
granted  by  Congress  to  the 
officers  of  the  army.  From 
these  communications  my  de 
cided  sentiments  will  be  clearly 
comprehended,  together  with 
the  conclusive  reasons  which 
induced  me,  at  an  early  period, 
to  recommend  the  adoption  of 
this  measure  in  the  most  ear 
nest  and  serious  manner.  As 
the  proceedings  of  Congress, 
the  army,  and  myself  are  open 
to  all  and  contain,  in  my  opin 
ion,  sufficient  information  to  re 
move  the  prejudices  and  errors 
which  may  have  been  enter 
tained  by  any,  I  think  it  unne 
cessary  to  say  anything  more 
than  just  to  observe  that  the 
resolutions  of  Congress  now 
alluded  to  are  undoubtedly  as 
absolutely  binding  upon  the 


United  States  as  the  most  sol 
emn  acts  of  confederation  or 
legislation. 

As  to  the  idea  which,  I  am 
informed,  has  in  some  instances 
prevailed,  that  the  half-pay  and 
commutation  are  to  be  regarded 
merely  in  the  odious  light  of  a 
pension,  it  ought  to  be  exploded 
forever.  That  provision  should 
be  viewed,  as  it  really  was,  a 
reasonable  compensation  of 
fered  by  Congress,  at  a  time 
when  they  had  nothing  else  to 
give  to  the  officers  of  the  army 
for  services  then  to  be  per 
formed.  It  was  the  only  means 
to  prevent  a  total  dereliction 
of  the  service.  It  was  a  part 
of  their  hire.  I  may  be  allowed 
to  say,  it  was  the  price  of  their 
blood  and  of  your  indepen 
dency  ;  it  is  therefore  more  than 
a  common  debt,  it  is  a  debt  of 
honor;  it  can  never  be  con 
sidered  as  a  pension  or  gratuity 


nor  be  canceled  until  it  is  fairly 
discharged. 

With  regard  to  a  distinction 
between  officers  and  soldiers, 
it  is  sufficient  that  the  uniform 
experience  of  every  nation  of 
the  world,  combined  with  our 
own,  proves  the  utility  and 
propriety  of  the  discrimination. 
Rewards,  in  proportion  to  the 
aids  the  public  derives  from 
them,  are  unquestionably  due 
to  all  its  servants.  In  some 
lines  the  soldiers  have  perhaps 
generally  had  as  ample  a  com 
pensation  for  their  services,  by 
the  large  bounties  which  have 
been  paid  to  them,  as  their  offi 
cers  will  receive  in  the  proposed 
commutation ;  in  others,  if,  be 
sides  the  donation  of  lands,  the 
payment  of  arrearages  of  cloth 
ing  and  wages  (in  which  articles 
all  the  component  parts  of  the 
army  must  be  put  upon  the 
same  footing),  we  take  into  the 

87 


estimate  the  douceurs  many  of 
the  soldiers  have  received  and 
the  gratuity  of  one  year's  full 
pay  which  is  promised  to  all, 
possibly  their  situation  (every 
circumstance  being  duly  con 
sidered)  will  not  be  deemed  less 
eligible  than  that  of  the  officers. 
Should  a  further  reward,  how 
ever,  be  judged  equitable,  I  will 
venture  to  assert  no  one  will 
enjoy  greater  satisfaction  than 
myself  on  seeing  an  exemption 
from  taxes  for  a  limited  time 
(which  has  been  petitioned  for 
in  some  instances),  or  any  other 
adequate  immunity  or  compen 
sation  granted  to  the  brave 
defenders  of  their  country's 
cause  ;  but  neither  the  adoption 
or  rejection  of  this  proposition 
will  in  any  manner  affect,  much 
less  militate  against,  the  act  of 
Congress  by  which  they  have 
offered  five  years'  full  pay  in 
lieu  of  the  half-pay  for-,  life 


which  had  been  before  prom 
ised  to  the  officers  of  the  army. 
Before  I  conclude  the  sub 
ject  of  public  justice,  I  cannot 
omit  to  mention  the  obligations 
this  country  is  under  to  that 
meritorious  class  of  veteran 
non-commissioned  officers  and 
privates  who  have  been  dis 
charged  for  inability,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  resolution  of 
Congress  of  the  23d  of  April, 
1782,  on  an  annual  pension 
for  life.  Their  peculiar  suffer 
ings,  their  singular  merits,  and 
claims  to  that  provision  need 
only  be  known  to  interest  all 
the  feelings  of  humanity  in 
their  behalf.  Nothing  but  a 
punctual  payment  of  their  an 
nual  allowance  can  rescue  them 
from  the  most  complicated 
misery;  and  nothing  could  be 
a  more  melancholy  and  dis 
tressing  sight  than  to  behold 
tho^e  who  have  shed  their 


blood  or  lost  their  limbs  in  the 
service  of  their  country  without 
a  shelter,  without  a  friend,  and 
without  the  means  of  obtaining 
any  of  the  necessaries  or  com 
forts  of  life,  compelled  to  beg 
their  daily  bread  from  door  to 
door.  Suffer  me  to  recommend 
those  of  this  description  be 
longing  to  your  State  to  the 
warmest  patronage  of  your  Ex 
cellency  and  your  legislature. 

It  is  necessary  to  say  but  a 
few  words  on  the  third  topic 
which  was  proposed  and  which 
regards  particularly  the  defense 
of  the  republic;  as  there  can 
be  little  doubt  but  Congress  will 
recommend  a  proper  peace  es 
tablishment  for  the  United 
States,  in  which  a  due  attention 
will  be  paid  to  the  importance 
of  placing  the  militia  of  the 
Union  upon  a  regular  and 
respectable  footing.  If  this 
should  be  the  case,  I  would 

90 


beg  leave  to  urge  the  great  ad 
vantage  of  it  in  the  strongest 
terms.  The  militia  of  this  coun 
try  must  be  considered  as  the 
palladium  of  our  security  and 
the  first  effectual  resort  in  case 
of  hostility.  It  is  essential, 
therefore,  that  the  same  system 
should  pervade  the  whole  ;  that 
the  formation  and  discipline  of 
the  militia  of  the  continent 
should  be  absolutely  uniform, 
and  that  the  same  species  of 
arms,  accoutrements,  and  mili 
tary  apparatus  should  be  intro 
duced  in  every  part  of  the 
United  States.  No  one  who 
has  not  learned  it  from  experi 
ence  can  conceive  the  diffi 
culty,  expense,  and  confusion 
which  result  from  a  contrary 
system,  or  the  vague  arrange 
ments  which  have  hitherto 
prevailed. 

If,    in    treating    of    political 
points,  a  greater  latitude  than 

91 


usual  has  been  taken  in  the 
course  of  this  address,  the  im 
portance  of  the  crisis  and  the 
magnitude  of  the  objects  in  dis 
cussion  must  be  my  apology.  It 
is,  however,  neither  my  wish  or 
expectation  that  the  preceding 
observations  should  claim  any 
regard,  except  so  far  as  they 
shall  appear  to  be  dictated  by 
a  good  intention,  consonant  to 
the  immutable  rules  of  justice, 
calculated  to  produce  a  liberal 
system  of  policy  and  founded 
on  whatever  experience  may 
have  been  acquired  by  a  long 
and  close  attention  to  public 
business.  Here  I  might  speak 
with  the  more  confidence,  from 
my  actual  observations ;  and, 
if  it  would  not  swell  this  letter 
(already  too  prolix)  beyond  the 
bounds  I  had  prescribed  to 
myself,  I  could  demonstrate  to 
every  mind  open  to  conviction 
that  in  less  time,  and  with 


much  less  expense,  than  has 
been  incurred,  the  war  might 
have  been  brought  to  the  same 
happy  conclusion  if  the  re 
sources  of  the  continent  could 
have  been  properly  drawn 
forth ;  that  the  distresses  and 
disappointments  which  have 
very  often  occurred  have,  in 
too  many  instances,  resulted 
more  from  a  want  of  energy  in 
the  Continental  government 
than  a  deficiency  of  means  in 
the  particular  States ;  that  the 
inefficacy  of  measures  arising 
from  the  want  of  an  adequate 
authority  in  the  supreme  power, 
from  a  partial  compliance  with 
the  requisitions  of  Congress  in 
some  of  the  States,  and  from  a 
failure  of  punctuality  in  others, 
while  it  tended  to  damp  the 
zeal  of  those  which  were  more 
willing  to  exert  themselves, 
served  also  to  accumulate  the 
expenses  of  the  war  and  to 


frustrate  the  best-concerted 
plans;  and  that  the  discour 
agement  occasioned  by  the 
complicated  difficulties  and 
embarrassments  in  which  our 
affairs  were  by  this  means  in 
volved  would  have  long  ago 
produced  the  dissolution  of  any 
army  less  patient,  less  virtuous, 
and  less  persevering  than  that 
which  I  have  had  the  honor  to 
command. 

But  while  I  mention  these 
things,  which  are  notorious 
facts,  as  the  defects  of  our  fed 
eral  constitution,  particularly  in 
the  prosecution  of  a  war,  I  beg 
it  may  be  understood  that,  as  I 
have  ever  taken  a  pleasure  in 
gratefully  acknowledging  the 
assistance  and  support  I  have 
derived  from  every  class  of  cit 
izens,  so  shall  I  always  be  happy 
to  do  justice  to  the  unparalleled 
exertions  of  the  individual  States 
on  many  interesting  occasions. 

04 


I  have  thus  freely  disclosed 
what  I  wished  to  make  known 
before  I  surrendered  up  my 
public  trust  to  those  who  com 
mitted  it  to  me.  The  task  is 
now  accomplished.  I  now  bid 
adieu  to  your  Excellency  as  the 
chief  magistrate  of  your  State, 
at  the  same  time  I  bid  a  last 
farewell  to  the  cares  of  office 
and  all  the  employments  of 
public  life. 

It  remains,  then,  to  be  my 
final  and  only  request  that  your 
Excellency  will  communicate 
these  sentiments  to  your  legis 
lature  at  their  next  meeting, 
and  that  they  may  be  consid 
ered  as  the  legacy  of  one  who 
has  ardently  wished  on  all  oc 
casions  to  be  useful  to  his 
country,  and  who,  even  in  the 
shade  of  retirement,  will  not 
fail  to  implore  the  Divine  ben 
ediction  upon  it. 

I   now  make  it   my  earnest 

95 


prayer  that  God  would  have 
you,  and  the  State  over  which 
you  preside,  in  his  holy  protec 
tion  ;  that  he  would  incline  the 
hearts  of  the  citizens  to  culti 
vate  a  spirit  of  subordination 
and  obedience  to  government ; 
to  entertain  a  brotherly  affec 
tion  and  love  for  one  another, 
for  their  fellow-citizens  of  the 
United  States  at  large,  and 
particularly  for  their  brethren 
who  have  served  in  the  field ; 
and,  finally,  that  he  would  most 
graciously  be  pleased  to  dispose 
us  all  to  do  justice,  to  love 
mercy,  and  to  demean  ourselves 
with  that  charity,  humility,  and 
pacific  temper  of  mind  which 
were  the  characteristics  of  the 
Divine  Author  of  our  blessed 
religion,  and  without  an  hum 
ble  imitation  of  whose  example 
in  these  things  we  can  never 
hope  to  be  a  happy  nation. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with 

96 


much  esteem  and  respect,  Sir, 
your  Excellency's  most  obedi 
ent  and  most  humble  servant. 


'..7 


IV 

FAREWELL    ORDERS    TO    THE 

ARMIES    OF    THE    UNITED 

STATES 

ROCKY  HILL,  NEAR  PRINCE 
TON,  2  November,  1783. 
THE  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled,  after  giving  the  most 
honorable  testimony  to  the  mer 
its  of  the  federal  armies  and 
presenting  them  with  the  thanks 
of  their  country  for  their  long, 
eminent,  and  faithful  services, 
having  thought  proper,  by  their 
proclamation  bearing  date  the 
1 8th  day  of  October  last,  to  dis 
charge  such  part  of  the  troops 
as  were  engaged  for  the  war  and 
to  permit  the  officers  on  fur- 


lough  to  retire  from  service 
from  and  after  to-morrow ; 
which  proclamation  having 
been  communicated  in  the 
public  papers  for  the  informa 
tion  and  government  of  all  con 
cerned,  it  only  remains  for  the 
Commander-in-chief  to  address 
himself  once  more,  and  that  for 
the  last  time,  to  the  armies  of 
the  United  States  (however 
widely  dispersed  the  individuals 
who  compose  them  may  be)  and 
to  bid  them  an  affectionate,  a 
long  farewell. 

But  before  the  Commander- 
in-chief  takes  his  final  leave  of 
those  he  holds  most  dear,  he 
wishes  to  indulge  himself  a  few 
moments  in  calling  to  mind  a 
slight  review  of  the  past.  He 
will  then  take  the  liberty  of  ex 
ploring  with  his  military  friends 
their  future  prospects,  of  advis 
ing  the  general  line  of  conduct 
which,  in  his  opinion,  ought  to 


be  pursued ;  and  he  will  con 
clude  the  address  by  expressing 
the  obligations  he  feels  himself 
under  for  the  spirited  and  able 
assistance  he  has  experienced 
from  them  in  the  performance 
of  an  arduous  office. 

A  contemplation  of  the  com 
plete  attainment  (at  a  period 
earlier  than  could  have  been 
expected)  of  the  object  for 
which  we  contended  against  so 
formidable  a  power  cannot  but 
inspire  us  with  astonishment 
and  gratitude.  The  disadvan 
tageous  circumstances  on  our 
part,  under  which  the  war  was 
undertaken,  can  never  be  for 
gotten.  The  singular  interposi 
tions  of  Providence  in  our  feeble 
condition  were  such  as  could 
scarcely  escape  the  attention  of 
the  most  unobserving;  while 
the  unparalleled  perseverance 
of  the  armies  of  the  United 
States,  through  almost  every 

KK) 


possible  suffering  and  discour 
agement  for  the  space  of  eight 
long  years,  was  little  short  of  a 
standing  miracle. 

It  is  not  the  meaning  nor 
within  the  compass  of  this  ad 
dress  to  detail  the  hardships 
peculiarly  incident  to  our 
service,  or  to  describe  the 
distresses  which  in  several  in 
stances  have  resulted  from  the 
extremes  of  hunger  and  naked 
ness  combined  with  the  rigors 
of  an  inclement  season ;  nor  is 
it  necessary  to  dwell  on  the 
dark  side  of  our  past  affairs. 
Every  American  officer  and 
soldier  must  now  console  him 
self  for  any  unpleasant  cir 
cumstances  which  may  have 
occurred,  by  a  recollection  of 
the  uncommon  scenes  in  which 
he  has  been  called  to  act  no 
inglorious  part  and  the  astonish 
ing  events  of  which  he  has  been 
a  witness ;  events  which  have 
101 


seldom,  if  ever  before,  taken 
place  on  the  stage  of  human  ac 
tion  ;  nor  can  they  probably 
ever  happen  again.  For  who 
has  before  seen  a  disciplined 
army  formed  at  once  from  such 
raw  materials?  Who,  that  was 
not  a  witness,  could  imagine 
that  the  most  violent  local  pre 
judices  would  cease  so  soon, 
and  that  men  who  came  from 
the  different  parts  of  the  conti 
nent,  strongly  disposed  by  the 
habits  of  education  to  despise 
.and  quarrel  with  each  other, 
would  instantly  become  but  one 
patriotic  band  of  brothers?  Or 
who,  that  was  not  on  the  spot, 
can  trace  the  steps  by  which 
such  a  wonderful  revolution  has 
been  effected  and  such  a  glori 
ous  period  put  to  all  our  warlike 
toils? 

It    is    universally    acknow 
ledged  that  the  enlarged  pros 
pects  of  happiness  opened  by 
102 


the  confirmation  of  our  inde 
pendence  and  sovereignty  al 
most  exceed  the  power  of 
description.  And  shall  not  the 
brave  men  who  have  contrib 
uted  so  essentially  to  these  in 
estimable  acquisitions,  retiring 
victorious  from  the  field  of  war 
to  the  field  of  agriculture,  par 
ticipate  in  all  the  blessings 
which  have  been  obtained?  In 
such  a  republic,  who  will  ex 
clude  them  from  the  rights  of 
citizens  and  the  fruits  of  their 
labors?  In  such  a  country,  so 
happily  circumstanced,  the  pur 
suits  of  commerce  and  the  cul 
tivation  of  the  soil  will  unfold 
to  industry  the  certain  road  to 
competence.  To  those  hardy 
soldiers  who  are  actuated  by  the 
spirit  of  adventure,  the  fisheries 
will  afford  ample  and  profitable 
employment ;  and  the  extensive 
and  fertile  regions  of  the  West 
will  yield  a  most  happy  asylum 

103 


to  those  who,  fond  of  domestic 
enjoyment,  are  seeking  for  per 
sonal  independence.  Nor  is  it 
possible  to  conceive  that  any 
one  of  the  United  States  will 
prefer  a  national  bankruptcy 
and  a  dissolution  of  the  Union 
to  a  compliance  with  the  requi 
sitions  of  Congress  and  the  pay 
ment  of  its  just  debts ;  so  that 
the  officers  and  soldiers  may 
expect  considerable  assistance, 
in  recommencing  their  civil  oc 
cupations,  from  the  sums  due  to 
them  from  the  public,  which 
must  and  will  most  inevitably 
be  paid. 

In  order  to  effect  this  desir 
able  purpose  and  to  remove  the 
prejudices  which  may  have 
taken  possession  of  the  minds 
of  any  of  the  good  people  of 
the  States,  it  is  earnestly  rec 
ommended  to  all  the  troops 
that,  with  strong  attachments 
to  the  Union,  they  should  carry 

104 


with  them  into  civil  society  the 
most  conciliating  dispositions 
and  that  they  should  prove 
themselves  not  less  virtuous 
and  useful  as  citizens  than  they 
have  been  persevering  and 
victorious  as  soldiers.  What 
though  there  should  be  some 
envious  individuals  who  are 
unwilling  to  pay  the  debt  the 
public  has  contracted,  or  to 
yield  the  tribute  due  to  merit ; 
yet  let  such  unworthy  treatment 
produce  no  invective,  or  any 
instance  of  intemperate  con 
duct.  Let  it  be  remembered 
that  the  unbiased  voice  of  the 
free  citizens  of  the  United 
States  has  promised  the  just  re 
ward  and  given  the  merited 
applause.  Let  it  be  known  and 
remembered  that  the  reputation 
of  the  federal  armies  is  estab 
lished  beyond  the  reach  of 
malevolence;  and  let  a  con 
sciousness  of  their  achievements 

105 


and  fame  still  incite  the  men 
who  composed  them  to  honor 
able  actions  ;  under  the  persua 
sion  that  the  private  virtues  of 
economy,  prudence,  and  indus 
try  will  not  be  less  amiable  in 
civil  life  than  the  more  splendid 
qualities  of  valor,  perseverance, 
and  enterprise  were  in  the  field. 
Every  one  may  rest  assured 
that  much,  very  much,  of  the 
future  happiness  of  the  officers 
and  men  will  depend  upon  the 
wise  and  manly  conduct  which 
shall  be  adopted  by  them  when 
they  are  mingled  with  the  great 
body  of  the  community.  And 
although  the  General  has  so  fre 
quently  given  it  as  his  opinion, 
in  the  most  public  and  explicit 
manner,  that  unless  the  princi 
ples  of  the  Federal  Government 
were  properly  supported  and 
the  powers  of  the  Union  in 
creased,  the  honor,  dignity,  and 
justice  of  the  nation  would  be 

106 


lost  forever ;  yet  he  cannot  help 
repeating,  on  this  occasion,  so 
interesting  a  sentiment  and 
leaving  it  as  his  last  injunction 
to  every  officer  and  every  sol 
dier  who  may  view  the  subject 
in  the  same  serious  point  of 
light,  to  add  his  best  endeavors 
to  those  of  his  worthy  fellow- 
citizens  toward  effecting  these 
great  and  valuable  purposes  on 
which  our  very  existence  as  a 
nation  so  materially  depends. 

The  Commander  -  in  -  chief 
conceives  little  is  now  wanting 
to  enable  the  soldier  to  change 
the  military  character  into  that 
of  the  citizen,  but  that  steady 
and  decent  tenor  of  behavior 
which  has  generally  distin 
guished  not  only  the  army 
under  his  immediate  command, 
but  the  different  detachments 
and  separate  armies,  through 
the  course  of  the  war.  From 
their  good  sense  and  prudence 

107 


he  anticipates  the  happiest  con 
sequences  ;  and,  while  he  con 
gratulates  them  on  the  glorious 
occasion  which  renders  their 
services  in  the  field  no  longer 
necessary,  he  wishes  to  express 
the  strong  obligations  he  feels 
himself  under  for  the  assistance 
he  has  received  from  every  class 
and  in  every  instance.  He  pre 
sents  his  thanks  in  the  most  seri 
ous  and  affectionate  manner  to 
the  general  officers,  as  well  for 
their  counsel  on  many  interest 
ing  occasions  as  for  their  ardor 
in  promoting  the  success  of  the 
plans  he  had  adopted ;  to  the 
commandants  of  regiments  and 
corps,  and  to  the  other  officers, 
for  their  great  zeal  and  atten 
tion  in  carrying  his  orders 
promptly  into  execution  ;  to  the 
staff,  for  their  alacrity  and  ex 
actness  in  performing  the  duties 
of  their  several  departments ; 
and  to  the  non-commissioned 

108 


officers  and  private  soldiers,  for 
their  extraordinary  patience  and 
suffering  as  well  as  their  in 
vincible  fortitude  in  action.  To 
the  various  branches  of  the 
army,  the  General  takes  this 
last  and  solemn  opportunity  of 
professing  his  inviolable  attach 
ment  and  friendship.  He  wishes 
more  than  bare  professions  were 
in  his  power ;  that  he  were  really 
able  to  be  useful  to  them  all  in 
future  life.  He  flatters  himself, 
however,  they  will  do  him  the 
justice  to  believe  that  whatever 
could  with  propriety  be  at 
tempted  by  him  has  been  done. 
And  being  now  to  conclude 
these  his  last  public  orders,  to 
take  his  ultimate  leave  in  a  short 
time  of  the  military  character, 
and  to  bid  a  final  adieu  to  the 
armies  he  has  so  long  had  the 
honor  to  command,  he  can  only 
again  offer  in  their  behalf  his 
recommendations  to  their  grate- 

109 


ful  country  and  his  prayers  to 
the  God  of  armies.  May  ample 
justice  be  done  them  here,  and 
may  the  choicest  of  Heaven's 
favors,  both  here  and  hereafter, 
attend  those  who,  under  the 
Divine  auspices,  have  secured 
innumerable  blessings  for  others. 
With  these  wishes  and  this 
benediction,  the  Commander-in- 
chief  is  about  to  retire  from 
service.  The  curtain  of  sepa 
ration  will  soon  be  drawn,  and 
the  military  scene  to  him  will 
be  closed  forever. 


no 


INAUGURAL  ADDRESS  TO  BOTH 
HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS 

April  30th,  1789. 
Fellow-Citizens  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives: 
Among  the  vicissitudes  incident 
to  life,  no  event  could  have 
filled  me  with  greater  anxieties 
than  that  of  which  the  notifica 
tion  was  transmitted  by  your 
order  and  received  on  the  i4th 
day  of  the  present  month.  On 
the  one  hand,  I  was  summoned 
by  my  country,  whose  voice  I 
can  never  hear  but  with  vener 
ation  and  love,  from  a  retreat 
which  I  had  chosen  with  the 
fondest  predilection  and,  in  my 
111 


flattering  hopes,  with  an  im 
mutable  decision,  as  the  asylum 
of  my  declining  years  ;  a  retreat 
which  was  rendered  every  day 
more  necessary  as  well  as  more 
dear  to  me  by  the  addition  of 
habit  to  inclination  and  of  fre 
quent  interruptions  in  my  health 
to  the  gradual  waste  committed 
on  it  by  time.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  magnitude  and  diffi 
culty  of  the  trust  to  which  the 
voice  of  my  country  called  me, 
being  sufficient  to  awaken  in 
the  wisest  and  most  experi 
enced  of  her  citizens  a  distrust 
ful  scrutiny  into  his  qualifica 
tions,  could  not  but  overwhelm 
with  despondence  one  who,  in 
heriting  inferior  endowments 
from  nature,  and  unpractised 
in  the  duties  of  civil  adminis 
tration,  ought  to  be  peculiarly 
conscious  of  his  own  deficien 
cies.  In  this  conflict  of  emo 
tions,  all  I  dare  aver  is  that  it 

112 


has  been  my  faithful  study  to 
collect  my  duty  from  a  just  ap 
preciation  of  every  circum 
stance  by  which  it  might  be 
affected.  All  I  dare  hope  is 
that  if,  in  executing  this  task, 
I  have  been  too  much  swayed 
by  a  grateful  remembrance  of 
former  instances  or  by  an  affec 
tionate  sensibility  to  this  tran 
scendent  proof  of  the  confi 
dence  of  my  fellow-citizens, 
and  have  thence  too  little  con 
sulted  my  incapacity  as  well  as 
disinclination  for  the  weighty 
and  untried  cares  before  me, 
my  error  will  be  palliated  by 
the  motives  which  misled  me 
and  its  consequences  be  judged 
by  my  country  with  some  share 
of  the  partiality  in  which  they 
originated. 

Such  being  the  impressions 
under  which  I  have,  in  obedi 
ence  to  the  public  summons, 
repaired  to  the  present  station, 

8  113 


it  would  be  peculiarly  improper 
to  omit,  in  this  first  official  act, 
my  fervent  supplications  to  that 
Almighty  Being  who  rules  over 
the  universe,  who  presides  in 
the  councils  of  the  nations,  and 
whose  providential  aids  can 
supply  every  human  defect, 
that  his  benediction  may  con 
secrate  to  the  liberties  and  hap 
piness  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  a  government 
instituted  by  themselves  for 
these  essential  purposes,  and 
may  enable  every  instrument 
employed  in  its  administration 
to  execute  with  success  the 
functions  allotted  to  his  charge. 
In  tendering  this  homage  to  the 
great  Author  of  every  public  and 
private  good,  I  assure  myself 
that  it  expresses  your  senti 
ments  not  less  than  my  own, 
nor  those  of  my  fellow-citizens 
at  large  less  than  either.  No 
people  can  be  bound  to  ac- 

114 


knowledge  and  adore  the  in 
visible  hand  which  conducts  the 
affairs  of  men  more  than  the 
people  of  the  United  States. 
Every  step  by  which  they  have 
advanced  to  the  character  of  an 
independent  nation  seems  to 
have  been  distinguished  by- 
some  token  of  providential 
agency.  And  in  the  important 
revolution  just  accomplished  in 
the  system  of  their  united  gov 
ernment,  the  tranquil  delibera 
tions  and  voluntary  consent  of 
so  many  distinct  communities, 
from  which  the  event  has  re 
sulted,  cannot  be  compared 
with  the  means  by  which  most 
governments  have  been  estab 
lished  without  some  return  of 
pious  gratitude  along  with  an 
humble  anticipation  of  the  fu 
ture  blessings  which  the  past 
seems  to  presage.  These  reflec 
tions,  arising  out  of  the  present 
crisis,  have  forced  themselves 


115 


too  strongly  on  my  mind  to  be 
suppressed.  You  will  join  with 
me,  I  trust,  in  thinking  that 
there  are  none  under  the  influ 
ence  of  which  the  proceedings 
of  a  new  and  free  government 
can  more  auspiciously  com 
mence. 

By  the  article  establishing 
the  executive  department,  it  is 
made  the  duty  of  the  President 
"  to  recommend  to  your  consid 
eration  such  measures  as  he 
shall  judge  necessary  and  ex 
pedient."  The  circumstances 
under  which  I  now  meet  you 
will  acquit  me  from  entering 
into  that  subject  farther  than  to 
refer  you  to  the  great  constitu 
tional  charter  under  which  we 
are  assembled,  and  which,  in 
denning  your  powers,  desig 
nates  the  objects  to  which  your 
attention  is  to  be  given.  It  will 
be  more  consistent  with  those 
circumstances,  and  far  more 

116 


congenial  with  the  feelings 
which  actuate  me,  to  substitute, 
in  place  of  a  recommendation 
of  particular  measures,  the  trib 
ute  that  is  due  to  the  talents, 
the  rectitude,  and  the  patriotism 
which  adorn  the  characters  se 
lected  to  devise  and  adopt 
them.  In  these  honorable  quali 
fications  I  behold  the  surest 
pledges  that  as,  on  one  side,  no 
local  prejudices  or  attachments, 
no  separate  views  or  party  ani 
mosities,  will  misdirect  the 
comprehensive  and  equal  eye 
which  ought  to  watch  over  this 
great  assemblage  of  communi 
ties  and  interests;  so,  on  an 
other,  that  the  foundations  of 
our  national  policy  will  be  laid 
in  the  pure  and  immutable  prin 
ciples  of  private  morality,  and 
the  preeminence  of  a  free  gov 
ernment  be  exemplified  by  all 
the  attributes  which  can  win  the 
affections  of  its  citizens  and 

117 


command    the    respect   of   the 
world. 

I  dwell  on  this  prospect  with 
every  satisfaction  which  an  ar 
dent  love  for  my  country  can 
inspire,  since  there  is  no  truth 
more  thoroughly  established 
than  that  there  exists  in  the 
economy  and  course  of  nature 
an  indissoluble  union  between 
virtue  and  happiness,  between 
duty  and  advantage,  between 
the  genuine  maxims  of  an  hon 
est  and  magnanimous  policy 
and  the  solid  rewards  of  public 
prosperity  and  felicity ;  since 
we  ought  to  be  no  less  per 
suaded  that  the  propitious 
smiles  of  Heaven  can  never  be 
expected  on  a  nation  that  dis 
regards  the  eternal  rules  of 
order  and  right  which  Heaven 
itself  has  ordained ;  and  since 
the  preservation  of  the  sacred 
fire  of  liberty  and  the  destiny 
of  the  republican  model  of  gov- 

118 


eminent  are  justly  considered 
as  deeply,  perhaps  as  finally 
staked,  on  the  experiment  in 
trusted  to  the  hands  of  the 
American  people. 

Besides  the  ordinary  objects 
submitted  to  your  care,  it  will 
remain  with  your  judgment  to 
decide  how  far  an  exercise  of 
the  occasional  power  delegated 
by  the  fifth  article  of  the  Con 
stitution  is  rendered  expedient 
at  the  present  juncture  by  the 
nature  of  objections  which 
have  been  urged  against  the 
system,  or  by  the  degree  of  in 
quietude  which  has  given  birth 
to  them.  Instead  of  under 
taking  particular  recommenda 
tions  on  this  subject,  in  which  I 
could  be  guided  by  no  lights 
derived  from  official  opportu 
nities,  I  shall  again  give  way  to 
my  entire  confidence  in  your 
discernment  and  pursuit  of  the 
public  good ;  for  I  assure  my- 

119 


self  that,  whilst  you  carefully 
avoid  every  alteration  which 
might  endanger  the  benefits  of 
a  united  and  effective  govern 
ment,  or  which  ought  to  await 
the  future  lessons  of  experi 
ence,  a  reverence  for  the  char 
acteristic  rights  of  freemen  and 
a  regard  for  the  public  harmony 
will  sufficiently  influence  your 
deliberations  on  the  question 
how  far  the  former  can  be  more 
impregnably  fortified,  or  the 
latter  be  safely  and  advanta 
geously  promoted. 

To  the  preceding  observa 
tions  I  have  one  to  add,  which 
will  be  most  properly  addressed 
to  the  House  of  Representa 
tives.  It  concerns  myself,  and 
will  therefore  be  as  brief  as  pos 
sible.  When  I  was  first  honored 
with  a  call  into  the  service  of 
my  country,  then  on  the  eve  of 
an  arduous  struggle  for  its  lib 
erties,  the  light  in  which  I  con- 
120 


templated  my  duty  required 
that  I  should  renounce 
every  pecuniary  compensation. 
From  this  resolution  I  have  in 
no  instance  departed.  And 
being  still  under  the  impres 
sions  which  produced  it,  I  must 
decline  as  inapplicable  to  my 
self  any  share  in  the  personal 
emoluments  which  may  be 
indispensably  included  in  a 
permanent  provision  for  the 
executive  department,  and 
must  accordingly  pray  that  the 
pecuniary  estimates  for  the  sta 
tion  in  which  I  am  placed  may, 
during  my  continuance  in  it,  be 
limited  to  such  actual  expendi 
tures  as  the  public  good  may  be 
thought  to  require. 

Having  thus  imparted  to  you 
my  sentiments,  as  they  have 
been  awakened  by  the  occasion 
which  brings  us  together,  I  shall 
take  my  present  leave ;  but  not 
without  resorting  once  more  to 
121 


the  benign  Parent  of  the  human 
race,  in  humble  supplication 
that,  since  he  has  been  pleased 
to  favor  the  American  people 
with  opportunities  for  deliberat 
ing  in  perfect  tranquillity,  and 
dispositions  for  deciding  with 
unparalleled  unanimity  on  a 
form  of  government  for  the  se 
curity  of  their  union  and  the 
advancement  of  their  happi 
ness,  so  his  divine  blessing  may 
be  equally  conspicuous  in  the 
enlarged  views,  the  temperate 
consultations,  and  the  wise  mea 
sures,  on  which  the  success  of 
this  government  must  depend. 


122 


14  UAI    UMi 

TURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWE 

LOAN  DEPT. 

lis  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  o 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


•'•'-.  •"•• 

APR  24'ibo<i 

16H%94IA 

AR    2>64-W?M 

cn 


